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THE  ACCUSATIVE  WITH  INFINITIVE 
^ND   SOME   KINDRED  CONSTRUCTIONS 

IN  ENGLISH 


BY 

JACOB  ZEITLIN 


SUBMITTED   IN   PARTIAL    FULFILMENT  OF  THE  REQUIREMENTS  FOR   THE  DEGREE  OF  DOCTOR 

OF   PHILOSOPHY,  IN  THE  FACULTY  OF  PHILOSOPHY, 

COLUMBIA    UNIVERSITY 


OF  THE 

f   UNIVERSITY 

—        or 


1908 


J.   H.   FURST    COMPANY,    PRINTERS 
BALTIMORE 


CONTENTS 


PAGE 

Preface v 


CHAPTER  1 


History  op  Theories. 


CHAPTER  II 

The  Construction  in  Indo-Germanic  : 

(1)  Indo-Iranian  (2)  Greek  (3)  Italic  (4)  Gothic  (5)  Old 
High  German  (6)  Old  Saxon  (7)  Old  Norse  (8)  Sum- 
mary         13 

CHAPTER  III 

The  Accusative  with  Infinitive  in  English 42 

A.  Verbs  of  expressed  or  implied  causation 43 

(1)  Verbs  of  causing 43 

(2)  Verbs  of  advising,  etc 49 

(3)  Verbs  of  allowing  and  preventing 52 

(4)  Verbs  of  commanding 55 

(5)  Verbs  of  requesting 61 

(6)  Verbs  of  creating,  choosing,  appointing,  etc.  64 

B.  Verbs  of  sense  perception 66 

C.  Verbs  denoting  a  mental  action 78 

D.  Verbs  of  declaration 99 

E.  Summary 108 

CHAPTER  IV 

Construction  with  Neuter  and  Impersonal  Verbs — "Inor- 
ganic FoR^^ 114 

CHAPTER  V 

The  Conjunctive- Imperative  Use  of  the  Infinitive — Future 
AND  Potential  Infinitive — Absolute  Infinitive — Historical 
Infinitive — Conclusion 141 

BIBLIOGRAPHY : 

I.  Texts  examined 169 

II.  Books  quoted  or  consulted ,       172 


175711 


PKEFACE 

Perhaps  no  construction  has  been  the  object  of  so  deep- 
rooted  a  misconception  or  of  so  oft  repeated  a  misstatement 
as  that  which  goes  by  the  name  of  accusative  with  infinitive. 
The  prevalent  notion  concerning  the  construction,  that  it  is 
of  fifteenth  century  origin  and  due  to  Latin  influence,  is  in- 
dorsed by  such  scholars  as  Professor  Jespersen.  But  the 
presence  in  Old  English  of  a  number  of  clear  examples  of 
accusative  with  infinitive  makes  it  evident  that  the  statement 
is  in  need  of  qualification.  It  was  for  the  purpose  of  ascer- 
taining the  truth  concerning  this  construction  that  the  present 
dissertation  was  undertaken. 

After  a  review  of  the  various  theories  which  have  been 
advanced  during  the  last  century  in  regard  to  the  origin  and 
development  of  the  accusative  with  infinitive,  the  writer 
briefly  examined  the  status  of  the  construction  in  a  number 
of  the  Indo-Germanic  languages.  This  was  done  with  a 
view  to  determining  its  earliest  phases  in  each  language  and 
the  elements  possessed  in  common  by  all.  The  examination 
was  in  the  nature  of  a  critical  summary  of  the  most  import- 
ant contributions  on  the  subject  in  the  separate  dialects. 
The  extent  of  the  construction  in  Old  English  was  next  in- 
vestigated. All  the  poetical  texts  were  read,  and  on  these, 
as  being  least  subject  to  the  contamination  of  Latin  in- 
fluence, the  chief  emphasis  was  laid.  A  number  of  original 
prose  texts  and  translations  were  also  read  for  the  purpose 
of  observing  whether  there  was  any  distinct  difference  in 
the  usage.  In  the  Middle  English  period,  five  or  six  texts 
were  chosen  from  each  century.  The  selection  was  made 
from  poetry  and  prose,  and  with  a  view  to  having  the  learned, 
the  courtly,  and  the  popular  styles  all  represented.     In  many 


VI 


cases  texts  were  not  read  in  their  entirety,  if  a  perusal  pf 
several  hundred  pages  revealed  a  general  uniformity  in 
usage  and  no  striking  peculiarities.  After  the  middle  of 
the  sixteenth  century,  when  the  construction  may  be  con- 
sidered to  have  attained  its  full  development,  a  number  of 
Shakespeare's  plays  and  an  equal  amount  of  the  prose  of 
representative  writers  of  successive  periods  was  examined, 
for  the  sake  of  noting  the  extent  of  modern  usage  and  the 
relative  employment  of  the  construction  by  various  writers. 

In  illustrating  the  development  of  so  common  a  construc- 
tion it  was,  of  course,  inexpedient  and  unnecessary  to  make 
exhaustive  citations  from  the  texts  examined.  In  the  case 
of  the  more  common  and  obvious  phases,  such  as  that  of  the 
active  infinitive  employed  after  verbs  of  causation  and  sense 
perception,  only  a  few  examples  after  any  verb  are  given 
from  Old  English  texts  and  the  earliest  occurrences  from 
the  Middle  English  texts  examined,  no  illustration  being 
given  in  any  case  after  Chaucer.  The  passive  infinitive  after 
these  verbs,  as  being  more  important,  is  illustrated  more 
fully,  but  not  exhaustively.  For  the  rarer  manifestations 
of  the  construction — after  verbs  of  mental  perception  and 
declaration — all  the  occurrences  in  Old  English  are  given 
either  by  quotation  or  by  reference,  while  from  the  Middle 
English  only  as  much  is  given  as  is  required  to  indicate 
clearly  the  course  of  the  development.  This,  it  may  be  said, 
involves  the  citation  of  practically  all  occurrences  except 
after  such  very  common  verbs  as  think  and  hnoiv.  In  Mod- 
ern English  the  construction  is  illustrated  only  after  verbs 
of  mental  perception  and  declaration,  ^o  more  than  one 
or  two  quotations  from  a  writer  are  made  after  any  parti- 
cular verb,  references  being  given  for  other  passages. 

This  study  was  begun  with  the  sole  purpose  of  investigat- 
ing the  accusative  with  infinitive,  but  the  course  of  the  investi- 
gation forced  upon  the  writer  the  consideration  of  several 
peculiarly  Middle  English  constructions  which  have  hitherto 


Vll 

been  crudely  associated  with  the  accusative  with  infinitive, 
but  which  seemed  in  need  of  a  different  explanation.  This 
gave  rise  to  the  fourth  and  fifth  chapters  of  this  dissertation, 
in  which  the  writer  has  attempted  to  classify  all  cases  in 
which  a  substantive  is  used  in  conjunction  with  an  infinitive. 
In  the  first  of  these  chapters  the  use  of  a  substantive  with 
infinitive  as  the  subject  of  a  neuter  or  impersonal  verb  is 
discussed,  while  in  the  other  there  is  grouped  a  series  of 
examples  illustrating  a  very  striking  use  of  the  infinitive 
with  imperative  force  in  Middle  English,  together  with  some 
other  miscellaneous  usages.  The  examples  for  these  two 
chapters  were  chosen  from  scattered  sources. 

There  only  remains  the  pleasant  duty  of  extending  my 
thanks  to  all  those  who  through  their  generous  co-operation 
have  made  the  existence  of  this  dissertation  possible.  To 
Professor  G.  R.  Carpenter  I  am  indebted  for  the  original 
suggestion  of  the  subject.  I  wish  to  thank  Professor  W.  W. 
Lawrence  for  numerous  helpful  suggestions  in  regard  to  sub- 
stance and  style,  and  for  his  assistance  in  reading  proof. 
The  Indo-Iranian  section  of  this  dissertation  owes  its  value 
in  the  greatest  measure  to  the  supervision,  both  in  manu- 
script and  in  proof,  of  Professor  A.  V.  W.  Jackson,  whose 
kindness  and  courtesy  it  is  impossible  to  overestimate.  My 
thanks  are  due  also  to  Professor  A.  H.  Thorndike  for  useful 
suggestions  in  regard  to  mechanical  form,  and  to  Mr.  Leo 
Frachtenberg  for  help  in  reading  proof.  But  my  chief  in- 
debtedness is  to  Professor  G.  P.  Krapp.  From  the  initial 
step  in  the  collection  of  material  to  the  reading  of  the  last 
proof-sheet,  his  constant  guidance  and  unfailing  counsel  have 
made  easy  the  execution  of  this  task.  I  wish  to  express  my 
deep  gratitude  to  him  for  his  share  in  this  dissertation. 

Jacob   Zeitlin. 


^       OF  THE 

UNIVERSITY 

OF 


CHAPTEE  I  -         - ;       , 

History  of  Theories 

Tlie  interpretation  of  the  construction  of  the  accusative 
with  the  infinitive  which  is  generally  found  in  English  gram- 
mars is  based  on  a  definition  which  Grimm  formulated  with- 
out considering  its  historical  bearings,  but  merely  from  the 
observation  of  the  special  Greek  and  Latin  application  of  that 
construction.  "  Whenever  the  accusative  is  so  joined  with 
the  infinitive,"  so  runs  Grimm's  definition,  "  that  in  the  con- 
ception of  the  whole  as  consisting  of  two  parts  the  accusative 
becomes  the  nominative  subject  of  the  second,  dependent 
clause,  we  have  the  construction  of  accusative  with  infini- 
tive." ^  Since  the  time  of  Grimm  this  construction  has  been 
fully  investigated,  but  the  results  have  not  been  applied  to 
English.  Krickau,  for  instance,  views  the  construction 
"  apart  from  its  origin,  considered  only  in  its  further  develop- 
ment in  the  classical  languages."  ^  Regarding  the  construc- 
tion from  the  same  point  of  view,  Th.  Miiller  ^  and  Wiilfing  ^ 
affirm  that  few  cases  of  a  "  genuine  "  accusative  with  infini- 
tive occur  in  Old  English.     Its  rise,  indeed,  is  generally  as- 

^"Ueberall  nun,  wo  ein  im  Satz  ausgedriickter  Accusativ  nicht  zum 
herrschenden  Verbo,  sondern  zu  dem  abhiingigen  Infinitiv  dergestalt  gehort, 
dass  er  bei  Auffassung  des  ganzen  in  zwei  den  Nominativ  des  zweiten, 
abhangigen  Satzes  gebildet  haben  wiirde,  ist  die  Construction  des  Accusativs 
mit  dem  Infinitiv  vorhanden :  ih  weiz  in  waltan  zerlegt  sich  in  die  beiden 
Satze  ih  weiz,  daz  er  weltit.  Auch  die  Phrase  ih  pat  in  queman  ist  zerlegbar  in 
ih  pat  in,  daz  er  quami,  gewiihrt  aber  keinen  Accusativ  rait  dem  Infinitiv,  weil 
in  geschehener  Auflosung  das  in  noch  bei  pat  verbleibt."  Deutsche  Grammatik, 
IV,  114. 

^Der  Ace.  mit  dem  Inf.,  8. 

3  248. 

*II,  182. 

1 


signed  to  the  fifteenth  century,  and  is  attributed  chiefly  to 
Latin  influence.^  It  is  the  purpose  of  this  study  to  investi- 
gate the  beginnings  of  this  construction  in  English,  to  ex- 
amine its  kinship  with  the  accusative  and  infinitive  of  other 
Indo-Germanic  dialects,  and  then  to  trace  its  growth  and  de- 
velopment through  the  successive  periods  of  the  English 
language.  But  a  glance  at  the  leading  theories  in  reference 
to  the  origin  of  the  construction,  which  have  been  advanced 
during  the  past  century,  may  first  be  of  interest. 

One  of  the  earliest  theories  regarded  the  construction  as 
something  ready-made;  it  looked  upon  the  accusative  as  pos- 
sessing some  primitive  and  natural  affinity  with  the  infinitive, 
and  it  explained  this  affinity  by  the  help  of  logic  rather  than 
of  grammar.^  The  origin  of  this  explanation  is  ascribed  by 
Jolly  to  Scioppius,  who,  in  his  "  Grammatica  Philosophica," 
says  that  "  as  every  finite  verb  has  a  subject  in  the  nomina- 
tive expressed  or  implied,  so  every  infinitive  has  one  in  the 
accusative,  expressed  or  implied."  ^  According  to  the  state- 
ment of  Egger,  the  infinitive  is  merely  a  method  of  sub- 
ordinate expression,  and  this  subordination  is  emphasized  by 
the  placing  of  the  subject  of  the  infinitive  in  the  accusative 
case.  M.  Egger  is  aware  that  "  this  very  simple  but  thor- 
oughly logical  explanation  may  seem  astonishing  at  first 
sight,"  but  he  advises  his  readers  to  go  to  the  Greek  and 
Latin  literatures  and  become  convinced  "  that  it  is  the  only 
true  one."  ^  This,  also,  is  essentially  the  view  which  had 
previously  been  expressed  by  Humboldt,  who  had  remarked 
that  the  construction  ought  more  properly  to  be  called  in- 
finitive with  accusative,  because  it  is  the  former  element 
which  determines  the  case  of  the  substantive.     The  infinitive. 


^Jespersen:    Growth  and  Str.  of  Eng.^   127;    Schmidt:   Lang,  of  Pecock, 
119  ;  Krickau,  passim;  Gaertner,  103. 
^Gernhard,  10. 
3  Jolly,  245. 
*  Notions  Elementaires,  136  ;  Apollonius  Dyseole,  256-257. 


3 

lie  said,  represents  the  change  from  an  independent  to  a  de- 
pendent position ;  in  that  position  it  is  governed  by  the  main 
clause,  and,  in  turn,  governs  all  the  elements  of  its  own 
clause ;  therefore  it  must  change  the  original  nominative  into 
a  dependent  case,  the  accusative,  which,  however,  remains 
the  logical  subject  of  the  infinitive.^ 

Opposed  to  this  explanation  by  logic  is  the  theory  of  the 
psychological  school.  This  interpretation,  first  suggested  by 
Koch,^  and  more  fully  developed  by  Schmitthenner,^  has  been 
very  vigorously,  almost  fiercely,  defended  against  all  opposi- 
tion by  Schomann.^  The  infinitive,  according  to  the  view 
of  Schomann,  always  stands  in  some  position  of  dependence, 
whether  the  idea  on  which  it  depends  is  expressed  in  some 
verb  or  not.  Even  when  not  grammatically  the  object, 
the  infinitive  is  invariably  the  object  logically,  and  therefore 
any  noun  which  is  employed  as  its  subject  is  inevitably  felt 
as  the  logical  object  and  must  be  expressed  by  the  only  case 
which  is  capable  of  indicating  an  objective  relation,  the  ac- 
cusative. He  scouts  the  very  pointed  objection  of  Miklosich, 
which  is  that  cases  denote  grammatical,  not  logical  relations, 
and  he  seems  to  forget,  as  Albrecht  points  out,^  that  the  dative 
and  genitive  cases,  as  well  as  the  accusative,  may  indicate 
an  objective  relation.  Schomann  treats  those  cases  in  which 
the  construction  in  question  is  the  grammatical,  as  well  as 
the  logical  object,  as  of  secondary  interest,^  and  he  adds  that 
the  German  language  does  not  have  and  cannot  possibly  have 
the  construction  as  it  is  found  in  Greek  and  Latin ;  '^  why 


^Indische  Bibliothek,  117  ff.     The  same  view  is  to  be  found  in  Steinthal 
Log.  Gram.  u.  Psych. ,  371-372  ;  Keisig :   Vorlesungen,  806  note. 
^  De  Linguarum  Indole,  quoted  by  Jolly,  248. 
'161  ff. 

^  Eedetheilen,  46  ;  Zur  Lehre  v.  Ace.  c.  Inf.,  221-222. 
5  8. 

^Zur  Lehre  v.  Ace.  c.  Inf.,  222. 
Ubid.,  237. 


this  should  be  so,  in  spite  of  the  psychological  basis  of  the 
idiom,  he  thinks  it  "  unnecessary  "  to  explain.^ 

But  this  interpretation  of  the  accusative  with  the  infini- 
tive has  within  recent  years  received  a  more  scientific  exposi- 
tion. In  his  "  Lateinische  Moduslehre,"  ^  Dittmar  maintains 
that  the  construction  was  developed  from  the  accusative  with 
infinitive  used  in  exclamations.  For  example,  when  Titus 
learns  that  Gains  has  been  elected  consul,  he  exclaims  Gaium 
consulem  esse  creatum!  and  then  adds  Admodum  gaudeol  or 
Quis  tihi  istud  dixit?  In  the  course  of  time  these  two 
originally  independent  sentences  coalesce  into  a  single  sen- 
tence, and  thus  there  arises  the  feeling  that  the  accusative 
with  the  infinitive  is  to  be  employed  after  verbs  expressing 
an  emotion.  The  theory  is  further  elaborated  by  Professor 
F.  W.  Thomas.^  He  starts  from  the  nominative  with  infi- 
nitive which  is  sometimes  employed  in  Sanskrit  to  denote  a 
mere  predication;  thus  somo  mdddya  may  mean  soma  is  for 
intoxication  or  soma  is  intoxicating.  This  construction  is 
used  most  frequently  in  wishes  and  commands  and  can  be 
directly  connected  with  the  Greek  idiom  in  which  the  infini- 
tive is  employed  in  an  analogous  manner: 

eTretra  5^  Kal  rbv  'Axatol 
evpip  6'  {npTjXdp  re  rid'^fiepai.         Iliad,  23,  246-7. 
Then  that  the  Greeks  must  make.     .     . 

When  no  subject  is  expressed,  as  Iliad,  14,  501 : 

eliriixevai  fioi  Tpues  ay avov  'IXtov^os 

irarpl  (pLXcfi  Kal  /xTfrpl  yo-^fievai 

Ye  Trojans  (standing)  near  Ilioneus,  bid  his  father  and  mother  weep 

we  have  an  exclamation  parallel  to  general  directions  with 
the  infinitive  in  German,  such  as  the  sign  "  nicht  hinaus- 
lehnen  "  posted  in  railway  carriages.     "  ISTow  in  these  cases,'' 


ii6td.,  238. 

2311. 

»  Gassical  BevieWy  XI,  372  £f. 


5 

Professor  Thomas  continues,  "  except  where  the  second  per- 
son is  concerned,  the  accusative  with  the  infinitive  is  in- 
comparably the  more  common  ...  in  wishes  even  of  the 
first  person,  while  in  commands  we  find  it  in  Homer  with 
the  third  person,  and  in  later  Greek  it  is  the  ordinary  idiom 
for  laws,  decrees,  and  commands,  and  occurs  with  the  greatest 
frequency  in  both  inscriptions  and  books." 

ZeO  irdrep,  ij  Atavra  "Kaxciv  ij  Tvdhs  vl6v         Iliad,  7,  179. 
Would  that  Ajax  or  Tydeu^  son  shovid  obtain  the  lot. 

But  why  have  we  an  accusative  in  this  construction  and 
not  a  nominative?  To  assume  an  ellipsis  is  unsatisfactory, 
and  "  if  no  word  is  to  be  definitely  understood,  then  we  have 
a  new  idiom :  and  if  so,  how  old  ?  I  think  it  belongs  to  the 
Ursprache,  ...  If  we  assume  that  the  primitive  tongue  em- 
ployed an  accusative  of  the  subject  and  predicate  in  simple 
acclamations,  and  that  such  acclamations  were  used  or  could 
be  used  in  the  special  sense  of  commands,  wishes,  expres- 
sions of  surprise  or  admiration,  then  the  whole  question  will 
be  near  solution."  He  professes  to  find  just  such  an  idiom 
in  Sanskrit  after  the  particle  ed,  e.  g., 

^yaya  vaytir  ed  dhatdm  vrtrdm        Satapatha  Brdhmanay  4.  1.  3.  4. 
Vayu  went  and  lo  /    Vrtra  slain 

and  he  considers  this  expression  parallel  to  the  English 
him  to  do  such  a  thing,  which  he  terms  "  the  natural  and 
usual  expression  of  which  the  corrected  form  with  he  is 
merely  an  artificial  variant."  A  cognate  idiom,  likewise,  is 
the  Latin  me  miserum  and  the  Greek  w  e/ie  SeiXaioVj  since 
the  subject  and  predicate  in  the  accusative  are  strictly 
analogous  to  the  accusative  with  the  infinitive.  "  There  is 
therefore  no  reason  for  questioning  the  great  antiquity  ot 
the  construction.  The  fact  being  ascertained,  we  may  well 
postpone  the  inquiry  into  its  explanation.  ...  In  English 
also  we  feel  the  appropriateness  of  the  idiom  and  we  may 


6 

say  that  in  any  exclamation  the  subject  when  felt  as  an 
object  would  take  the  accusative  case."  The  last  statement 
is  obviously  a  reassertion  of  Schomann's  theory.  "  It  fol- 
lows at  once "  concludes  Professor  Thomas,  "  that  in  that 
large  class  of  cases  where  the  construction  is  dependent  upon 
intransitive  verbs  (a)  of  surprise,  indignation,  and  other 
emotions,  (b)  of  will  and  desire,  the  hypotactic  construction 
may  be  simply  and  directly  derived  from  an  original  para- 
taxis. We  may  compare  also  expressions,  common  in  vulgar 
English,  such  as  ^  It  is  a  shame  him  to  have  treated  us  so,' 
which  are  patently  derived  from  an  earlier  parataxis." 

One  of  the  earliest  grammatical  explanations  of  our  con- 
struction was  suggested  by  a  contributor  to  the  "  Heidelberg- 
ische  Jahrbiicher  der  Litteratur  "  (1816).^  He  treats  the 
infinitive  as  the  direct  object  of  a  verb  of  feeling  or  declaring 
and  the  accusative  as  the  case  of  specification,  introduced  to 
define  more  narrowly  the  scope  of  the  infinitive.  This  writer 
is  followed  in  essentials  by  Max  Schmidt,  who  asserts  that, 
whether  the  infinitive  be  dependent  or  independent,  the  ac- 
cusative is  always  introduced  to  limit  or  define  it.^ 

That  the  case  of  the  noun  is  due  to  its  relation  to  the  main 
verb  was  asserted  as  early  as  the  second  century  by  the 
Greek  grammarian,  Apollonios  Dyskolos,  but  the  view  had 
received  scant  courtesy  from  the  philosophical  grammarians.' 
It  was  first  reiterated  in  modern  times  by  Wachsmuth,* 
who  declared  that  the  accusative  was  directly  dependent  on 
the  finite  verb  and  that  the  infinitive  was  then  joined  to  the 
accusative;  but  neither  Wachsmuth  nor  the  Heidelberg  con- 
tributor explain  why  the  infinitive  should  be  used  in  the 

^  Quoted  by  Gernhard,  3,  note  4. 

2  Ueber  den  Inf.,  40.  Keisig,  op.  cit.,  805-808,  also  adopts  this  view, 
though  he  later  subjoins  a  note  retracting  it.  Billroth  in  his  Latin  Grammar 
and  Thiersch  in  his  Greek  Grammar  likewise  accept  this  interpretation  ;  see 
Jolly,  247. 

^Ct  Apoll.  Dysk,  255-257. 

^DeAcc.  c.  Inf.y  Disputatio,  quoted  by  Gernhard,  2. 


place  of  a  finite  verb.-^  Bopp's  discussion  of  this  idiom  is 
somewhat  more  interesting.  A  finite  verb,  he  says,  may  be 
doubly  transitive:  one  of  its  objects  may  be  a  noun  ex- 
pressing an  abstract  action  or  quality,  i,  e.,  an  infinitive, 
while  another  accusative  of  a  person  may  also  be  directly 
dependent  upon  it.  The  accusative  in  such  a  construction 
should  not  be  called  the  subject  of  the  infinitive,  since  it  is 
the  subject  only  logically  and  not  grammatically.  Its  con- 
nection with  the  main  verb  is  closer  than  with  the  infinitive.^ 
In  the  sentence  /  saw  Mm  fall,  him  and  fall  are  two  co- 
ordinate objects  of  the  verb  saw  and  stand  in  apposition  to 
each  other  (I  saw  him  and  fall),  but  that  the  action  ex- 
pressed by  the  second  object  applies  to  the  first,  personal 
object  is  quite  clear  from  the  context,  though  it  is  not  indi- 
cated by  the  form.^  For  those  cases  in  which  the  accusative 
of  the  person  or  thing  is  not  directly  governed  by  the  main 
verb,  Bopp  adopts  the  same  explanation  as  had  been  sug- 
gested by  the  Heidelberg  writer  and  Schmidt,  calling  the 
accusative  one  of  specification.^ 

The  first  scholar  to  employ  the  methods  of  comparative 
syntax  in  investigating  our  construction  was  Miklosich,  but 
his  conclusions  were  not  of  a  very  satisfactory  nature.  He 
found  that  in  Gothic  and  Church  Slavonic  the  dative  case 
is  frequently  employed  where  the  other  Indo-Germanic  dia- 
lects require  the  accusative,  that,  in  fact,  both  the  languages 
mentioned  have  a  dative  with  infinitive  construction  cor- 
responding to  the  ordinary  accusative  with  infinitive.  Since 
these  two  constructions  are  quite  indistinguishable,  they  must, 
in  his  opinion,  be  traced  to  a  common  origin.  It  is  obviously 
absurd,  Miklosich  adds,  to  seek  for  the  explanation  in  the 
relation  of  the  noun  to  the  finite  verb,  since  the  same  verb 

1  Cf.  Albrecht,  14. 

^  Conjugationssystem,  75. 

^Vergleichende  Grammatik,  III,  322. 

*  Conjugationssystem,  76  ;  Vergleichende  Grammatik,  III,  317-321. 


8 

cannot  take  either  an  accusative  or  a  dative  case  after  it. 
Therefore  we  must  find  our  explanation  in  the  nature  of 
the  infinitive  itself:  its  nominal  origin  makes  it  necessary 
that  its  subject  should  be  in  an  oblique  case,  either  the  dative 
or  accusative.^  In  attempting  to  account  for  the  phenome- 
non of  an  accusative  being  used  as  the  subject,  Miklosich 
makes  this  surprising  statement:  since  the  original  signifi- 
cance of  the  accusative  is,  and  must  forever  remain,  a  secret, 
it  is  impossible  for  any  one  to  explain  this  particular  use  of 
the  accusative  by  reference  to  its  primitive  signification.^ 
This  is  a  statement  which  most  students  of  comparative 
grammar  do  not  accept  as  final.  But  Miklosich's  chief  error 
lies  in  his  assumption  that  there  is  a  close  inner  connection 
between  the  dative  and  accusative  cases  which  makes  them 
parallel  in  function. 

It  was  Curtius  who,  in  his  "Griechische  Schulgrammatik," 
made  a  suggestion  which  greatly  illuminated  the  history  of 
the  construction.  He  thus  stated  the  usage  in  Greek:  when 
the  subject  of  an  infinitive  is  expressed,  it  is  placed  in  the 
accusative  case,  whence  the  construction  of  accusative  with 
infinitive.  E'ot  only  the  content  of  a  declaration  or  a  per- 
ception, but  the  result  or  consequence  of  an  action  may  be 
expressed  by  the  construction.  It  is  thus  found  after  verbs 
of  happening,  demanding,  commanding,  forbidding.  The 
accusative  is  really  dependent  upon  the  verb  of  the  main 
clause  and  is  to  be  explained  by  prolepsis.  For  example,  the 
sentence  riyyeiXav  on  6  ^vpo^  ipUrjae  might  be  rendered 
TJyyecXav  top  J^vpov  otl  iviKTja-ey  and  then  the  infinitive 
vLKTJo-at    might  be  substituted  for  the  clause    otl    iviKrjae,^ 

*  Ueber  den  Accusativus  cum  Infinitivo,  490-493. 

^Ibid.,  505. 

'  §§  567-568.  The  proleptic  explanation  had  already  been  suggested  by 
Wachsmuth  and  Fiiisting  {Commentatio  de  Natura  Ace.  c.  Inf.),  but  neither 
of  these  men,  as  Albrecht  (p.  13)  remarks,  had  accounted  for  the  use  of  an 
infinitive  in  place  of  a  clause.  After  Curtius  it  was  taken  up  by  Delbriick 
{Orundlagen  der  Qriechischen  Syntax,  124-125)  Albrecht,  (13-14),  Lindskog 
{Eranos,  I,  129). 


9 

The  use  of  the  infinitive  is  here  to  be  accounted  for  by  its 
locative  origin :  '  they  announced  Cyrus  in  conquering/  But 
it  was  in  justifying,  against  Schomann's  objection,  the  use  of 
the  construction  after  impersonal  verbs  that  Curtius  enunci- 
ated his  most  important  contribution.  Although  the  accu- 
sative, he  writes,  was  first  governed  by  the  main  verb,  yet 
syntactic  feeling  went  so  far  astray  that  the  case  which  stood 
close  to  the  infinitive  became  entirely  abstracted  from  the 
main  verb  and  was  construed  as  a  concomitant  of  the  infini- 
tive, and  hence,  in  time,  came  to  be  used  with  those  intransi- 
tive verbs  which,  without  an  accompanying  infinitive,  would 
not  admit  an  accusative  case.^  Curtius  further  notes  that 
such  modern  usage  as  ich  Jibre  ihn  reden  or  ich  heisse  ihn 
hommen  does  not  differ  radically  from  the  special  classical 
construction,  but  that  in  German  the  relation  of  the  accusa- 
tive to  the  main  verb  has  never  slipped  from  consciousness. 
This  statement  will  be  seen  to  apply  with  even  greater  force 
to  the  English  use  of  the  construction. 

Curtius'  ideas  were  taken  up  by  a  number  of  his  own  pupils 
and  other  disciples  and  were  by  them  elaborated  and  modified. 
Jolly,  for  instance,  thinks  that  the  construction  grew  from 
such  verbs  of  causing  and  saying  as  were  originally  followed 
by  an  accusative  and  that  all  subsequent  developments  are 
due  to  the  operation  of  analogy.^  The  chief  value  of  the 
investigations  by  Fleischer  and  Albrecht  of  Homer's  use 
of  the  construction,  consists  in  their  demonstration  of  the 
gradual  extension  of  the  idiom.  Both  Albrecht  ^  and 
Fleischer  ^  assert  that  only  the  accusative  was  originally  de- 
pendent on  the  main  verb  and  that  the  infinitive  merely  had 
a  sort  of  limiting,  epexegetical  force,  but  no  connection  what- 

^Ermuterungen,  198-199.  See  also  Fleischer,  25-26;  Albrecht,  20;  Wil- 
belm:  De  Inf.,  64-66;  Schmalz  :  Lateinisehe  Syntax,  II,  288;  von  Planta : 
Grammatik  der  oskisch-utnbrischen  Dialekie,  II,  438  ;  Krickau,  5-6. 

2  202-203. 

'Iff. 

n-10. 


10 

ever  with  the  main  verb.^  Albrecht  in  particular  emphasizes 
the  locative  origin  as  instrumental  in  the  development  of  the 
idiom,  and  he  supposes  that  the  locative  force  was  still  felt 
in  the  Homeric  poems ;  in  this  way  he  finds  it  possible  to 
account  for  the  construction  with  impersonal  verbs.  ^  Against 
this  we  must  oppose  the  view  of  Delbriick,  that,  as  far  as 
syntax  is  concerned,  the  use  of  the  infinitive  can  be  traced 
back  to  a  purely  dative  signification.  Morphologically  it 
may  be  explained  as  a  locative  or  any  other  case,  but  all  those 
cases  which  contributed  to  the  development  of  the  syntactical 
functions  of  the  infinitive  were  in  primitive  times  absorbed 
by  the  dative.^  In  the  main  the  two  dissertations  in  ques- 
tion are  taken  up  with  showing  that  in  Homer  the  vast  ma- 
jority of  examples  are  those  which  occur  after  transitive 
verbs,  which,  besides  the  full  construction,  may  take  either 
an  accusative  alone  or  an  infinitive  alone.  They  further 
show  that  many  of  the  verbs  at  an  earlier  stage  of  the  lan- 
guage had  a  transitive  force  which  later  was  lost,  and  by 
this  fact  they  account  for  the  construction  after  those  verbs. 
Particularly  instructive  is  the  illustration  by  Fleischer  of 
the  possible  extension  of  the  construction  from  certain  type 
words.* 

The  whole  matter  is  made  very  plain  by  Brugmann  and 
Delbriick.  The  infinitive  was  originally  a  dative  noun  of 
action,  used  to  express  purpose.  The  action  of  the  infinitive 
did  not  at  first  need  to  have  a  distinct  subject;  its  subject 
might  be  that  of  the  main  verb  or  a  dative  or  accusative 
dependent  upon  the  main  verb.  This  forms  the  basis  of  our 
construction.  In  time  the  accusative,  which  originally  be- 
longed to  the  transitive  verb,  was  attracted  to  the  infinitive 


1  Fleischer,  32. 

'  Fleischer,  15-18.     This  view  has  been  most  strongly  defended  by  Deecke  : 
Beitrdge,  35-38. 
^Vergl.  Syntax,  II,  441  ;  Fleischer,  11. 
*  Fleischer,  34-43. 


11 

as  its  subject — a  confusion  of  syntactical  relations  which 
was  produced,  partly,  by  analogy  to  dependent  clauses  with 
a  distinct  subject  (cf.  '  I  saw  Mm  flee '  with  ^  I  saw  iltiai  Tie 
fled').  Later,  verbs  which  were  never  associated  with  an 
accusative  object  assimilated  the  construction.^  The  manner 
in  which  this  confusion  of  syntactical  relations  might  some- 
times come  about  is  illustrated  by  Lindskog.^  He  points  out 
that  in  very  early  Latin  the  accusative  was  employed  after 
a  large  number  of  words  with  which  it  could  not  be  used 
in  later  Latin.  In  the  sentence  sentio  eum  fecisse,  for  in- 
stance, the  accusative  and  infinitive  were  originally  separate 
objects  dependent  on  the  main  verb,  but,  when  it  was  no 
longer  possible  to  construe  eum  as  the  object  of  sentio,  the 
only  alternative  was  to  unite  eum  with  fecisse  into  a  single 
objective  conception  to  sentio,  and  thus  it  came  to  be  treated 
as  a  separate  clause. 

Quite  recently  a  psychological  explanation  for  the  con- 
struction has  been  suggested  by  Fritz  WolfF.^  The  latter 
classifies  the  locution  under  three  heads:  (1)  where  the 
object  of  the  finite  verb  and  the  infinitive  are  present,  e.  g., 
malice  Mm  'kill;  (2)  where  the  object  of  the  finite  verb  is  lack- 
ing, but  where  the  infinitive  has  an  object  dependent  on  it- 
self, e.  g.,  make  (some  one)  kill  Mm]  and  (3),  a  combination 
of  (1)  and  (2),  e.  g.,  make  Mm  kill  Mm.  "  The  speaker," 
Wolff  explains,  "  when  he  causes  the  subject  of  the  infinitive 
to  direct  his  activity  against  an  expressed  object,  must  mental- 
ly free  the  subject  of  the  infinitive  from  the  main  clause  in  or- 
der to  gain  clearness  and  vividness.  As  soon  as  the  separation 
is  complete,  we  have  a  certain  case  of  accusative  with  infini- 
tive." 4 

These  are  the  most  important  theories  of  the  construction 

^Bnigmann:  Kurzvergl.   Gram.,  §  807;  Delbriick  :  Vergl.  Syntax,  II,  465. 

^Eranos,  I,  134-135. 

^Kuhn's  Zeitschrift,  XXIX,  491-500. 

'Ibid.,  499-500.     Cf.  Thomas,  379. 


^12 

which  have  been  advanced  during  the  nineteenth  century. 
The  clearest  explanation  and  the  one  most  justified  by  the 
evidence  of  comparative  syntax  is  that  first  suggested  by 
Curtius  and  finally  stated  by  Brugmann  and  Delbriick.  A 
brief  examination  of  the  various  Indo-Germanic  dialects, 
with  a  view  to  ascertaining  the  earliest  phases  of  the  idiom, 
will  clearly  establish  this  point,  and  it  is  now  in  order  to 
make  this  examination. 


CHAPTEE  II 

The  Construction  in  Indo-Germanic 

(1)     Indo-Iranian 

Traces  of  the  construction  of  the  accusative  with  infinitive 
are  to  be  found  as  early  as  the  Vedic  Sanskrit.  As  its  basis 
Brugmann  ^  cites  the  sentence, 

tvam  indra  sravitavdi  apds  kah        RV,  7,  21,  3. 
thou,  O  Indra,  didst  make  the  waters  to  flow, 

in  which  the  accusative  apas  and  the  infinitive  sravitavdi  are 
both  dependent  on  the  predicate  verb,  without  themselves 
forming  a  direct  syntactical  entity.  But  there  is  a  some- 
what closer  connection  between  accusative  and  infinitive  in 
the  following  passages  with  kr,  from  the  Yeda  :  ^ 

jna,  mdtdram  Siniuja. pdttave  V:2Lh         HV,  4,  18,  1. 
let  him  not  cause  his  mother  to  perish  so 

kavim  akrautdim  vicdkxe  12  F,  1,  116,  14. 

ye  have  caused  the  poet  to  be  discerning 

BSi  no  jivdtave  krdhi  JBF,  10,  186,  2. 

therefore  make  us  to  live 

Bartholomae  ^  further  supplements  this  class  of  examples : 

yad  Im  usmasi  kdrtave  karat  tat        R  V,  10,  74,  6. 
what  we  wish  him  to  do,  let  him  do  that. 

Whitney  had  translated  the  same  passage  "  what  we  wish 
to  he  done,  may  he  do  that,"  ^  but  in  so  doing  he  not  only 

^Kurzvergl.  Gram.,  II,  603. 
^Kuhn's  Zeitschrift,  XXIX,  496. 
^Beitrdge,  XV,  13. 
*  Sanskrit  Grammar,  §  982  b. 

13 


14 

ignored  the  Im,  but  ■unnecessarily  ascribed  a  passive  force 
to  hartave. 

Wolff,  supported  by  the  analogy  of  certain  Avestan  ex- 
amples/ is  inclined  to  admit  the  following  passages  as  illu- 
strations of  our  idiom.  ^ 

tvam  ca  soma  no  \isd  jivdtum  nd  maramahe        BV,  1,  91,  6. 
do  thou  desire  us  to  live,  we  would  not  die 

tdtha  krnu  ydtha  ia  usmasi  istdye  BV,  1,  30,  12. 

do  so,  as  we  wish  thee  to  prosper 

asmakam  va  indram  ugmasi  istdye  II V,  1,  129,  4. 

we  desire  our  (your)  Indra  to  prober  you  (us) 

vaydm  vdm  usmasi  istdye  BV,  5,  74,  3. 

we  desire  you  to  prosper 

For  the  classical  Sanskrit  the  following  examples  may  be 
adduced : 

yadi  mam  csijiviium  icchasi  Sdvitrl,  V,  100. 

if  you  wish  me  to  live 

rdjdnam  sndtum  tatra  dadarsa  Kathdsaritsdgara,  20,  6, 172.^ 

he  saw  the  king  bathe  there 

In  addition  to  the  very  rare  examples  of  this  construc- 
tion, there  is  found  in  classical  Sanskrit  the  closely  analogous 
idiom  of  an  accusative  with  a  predicate  participle  follow- 
ing a  verb  of  wishing  or  of  sense  perception. 

aham  tvaysb pratyabhijfidtam  dtmdnam  icchami    Sakuntala,  Chez.,  158,  6. 
I  wish  myself  recognized  by  you 

tdm  viditva  dragatdm  MBh.,  I,  5962. 

having  known  her  gone  for  a  long  time 

na  viveda  gatdrn  niidm  Kathdsaritsdgara,  64,  49.* 

he  did  not  know  the  night  gone 

*  Bartholomae,  he,  cit. 
^Kuhn'sZeitschnft,  XXIX,  491-495. 

^  Bombay  Edition,  p.  89  ;  Brockhaus  Edition,  I,  314. 

*  Wilhelm  :  De  Inf.,  65-66. 


15 

The  expression  "  mam  jivaniam  icchasi "  (you  wish  me  living) 
also  occurs  as  a  variant  of  mam  fivitum  icchasi."  ^ 

From  the  Avestan  Bartholomae  has  gathered  a  few  ex- 
amples after  verbs  of  wishing.^ 

y5  him  ahmai  vastravaitim  stoi  usyat  Yas.,  50,  2. 

he  who  may  desire  it  (the  cattle)  together  with  the  pasture  to  be  his 

at  toi  atram  ahura  aoj5qhvant8m  asa  usamahi  asistam  amavantsm  stoi 

rapante  ci^rar) aval) ham  Fas.,  34,  4. 

Then  through  Asha,  O  Ahura  !  we  wish  thy  mighty,  powerful 
Fire,  which  is  inculcated,  to  be  of  manifest  help  unto  the  adherent. 

yang  usvahi  usta  stoi  Yas.y  46,  16. 

whom  we  wish  to  be  in  happiness. 

yezi  vasan  mazdayasna  jv5daxst9m  mae^manam         Vd,  15,  46. 
if  the  worshipers-of-Mazda  wish  a  dog  in  heat  to  copulate 

Our  construction  has,  apparently,  a  very  limited  range  in  the 
Indo-Iranian  languages.  It  occurs  only  after  transitive 
verbs,  and,  as  our  examples  indicate,  "  the  accusative  which 
depends  on  the  infinitive  depends  on  the  verb  of  primary 
declaration  as  its  object."  ^ 


(2)     Greek 

When  we  come  to  the  Greek,  we  find  a  far  broader  develop- 
ment of  the  idiom,  but  it  is  a  development  which  can  be 
traced  to  the  same  sources  as  the  Indo-Iranian  construction. 
Its  simplest  and  commonest  form,  as  found  in  Homer,  is 
after  factitive  and  causative  verbs,  where,  as  in  Indo- 
Iranian,  the  accusative  depends  directly  on  the  main  verb 
and  serves  as  the  logical  subject  of  the  infinitive,  which  also 
is  dependent  upon  the  main  verb. 

^Hofer:  Vom  Inf.,  123. 
^Beitrdge,  XV,  13. 
^'Wilhelm,  66. 


16 

irpb  fie  iriixxpe  &va^  avbpdv  ^ AyafiifiPtav 
Traidd  re  aol  dy^fxev         Iliad,  1,  442. 
Agamemnon  sent  me  to  lead  the  child  to  thee 

MoOo-'  fip'   dotdbv  dviJKev  deLdifievai.  K\4a  dvdpwv         Odyssey,  8,  73. 
The  Muse  encouraged  the  bard  to  sing  the  exploits  of  the  heroes 

t6v8€  d''iy(i  rot, 
olxofJiivT)  ireTTidi^a-cii  ivavrt^iov  yuax^cao-^at  Iliad,  22,  223. 

I  shall  go  and  persuade  him  to  fight  against  him 

et  5^  K€  XLcraroj/xai  vfxias  \v<rai  re  /ceXejyw  Odyssey,  12,  163. 

if  I  implore  and  bid  you  to  release 

For  other  verbs  of  this  class  which  admit  the  locution  but 
are  not  ordinarily  construed  with  an  accusative  as  direct 
object,  it  would  be  easy  to  assume  the  operation  of  analogy. 
But  a  more  satisfactory  explanation  is  often  obtained  by  a 
study  of  the  remoter  history  of  the  governing  verb.  Thus 
we  find  idco  employed  by  Homer  with  a  direct  object  in 
the  accusative  case,  in  the  sense  of  to  leave : 

IiTTTovs  fikv  ydp  iaae  koI  dp/xara 


he  left  the  horses  and  the  weapons 

Other  meanings  of  this  verb  are  cease,  spare,  neglect,  pass 
hy,  from  which  its  later  meaning  of  permit  or  allow  was  de- 
veloped. For  this  reason  eldco  is  construed  with  an  ac- 
cusative and  infinitive  instead  of  with  the  dative  which 
customarily  follows  verbs  of  allowing : 

oiiSi  €  fJ'i^T'rjp 
<T7)fialv€Lv  €ta<TK€v  M  SfKfi^ffi  jwai^lv  Odyssey,  22,  426.^ 

his  mother  did  not  allow  him  to  rule  over  the  handmaids 

Similarly  the  verbs  KeXevco  and  KeXofiaL  originally  had 
a  transitive  force  and  seem  connected,  according  to  Fleischer, 
with   the   root   of    /caXeco,^     The   transitive  force   is   clear 

>  Fleischer,  34-37. 
Ubid.,  37. 


17 

from  such  passages  as  KcXerat  Se  fie  Ov/JLof;  (Iliad,  19,  187), 
and  KeXerai  Se  i  yacrri^p  (Odyssey ,  6,  133),  and  it  ac- 
counts for  the  much  greater  frequency  with  which  Homer 
employs  the  accusative  with  infinitive  than  the  dative  with 
infinitive/ 

Verbs  of  sense  perception  offer  no  peculiarities  in  Greek 
and  stand  in  no  need  of  illustration,  since  such  verbs  are 
always  followed  by  a  direct  object  in  the  accusative  case. 
•But  the  verbs  of  saying  and  thinking  are  instructive  in  their 
development.  The  verb  connected  with  (firjinL  originally 
meant  to  make  clear  and  was  transitive.  The  signification  of 
saying  is  derivative,  and  the  persistence  of  the  transitive 
force  with  the  new  meaning  is  illustrated  by 

ef  vep  ydp  <t^  "Ektwp  ye  KaKbv  Koi  6.vA.\Ki5a  (f>-^crei         Miadf  8,  153. 
if  Hector  declare  thee  base  and  unwarlike 

dvi)p  8v  <t>7)p.i. .  .  .  iZtarf,  5,  184.' 

the  man  whom  I  speak  of 

This  verb  took  the  accusative  with  infinitive  very  commonly, 
and  to  its  influence  may  be  ascribed  the  occasional  use  of 
the  construction  after  other  verbs  of  saying,  assisted,  often, 
by  a  lurking  transitive  force  within  the  verbs  themselves,  as 
in  fivdeofiai : 

irdvTai  5'  om  Slp  iyclj  fwdiiffOfxai         Odyssey j  11,  517.* 
I  shall  not  name  all 

In  considering  verbs  of  thinking,  Fleischer  takes  his  de- 
parture from  oto)  and  ohfiat^  He  is  unable  to  adduce  as 
clear  citations  as  with  the  preceding  verbs  to  prove  their 
original  transitive  force,  but  he  asserts  that  they  must  at  one 
time  have  indicated  a  sense  perception, — a  statement  which 

^Ibid.,  38-39. 
'Fleischer,  41. 
Ubid.,  48-49. 
*lbid.,  52. 


18 

he  supports  by  the  fact  that  the  verbs  are  occasionally  found 
in  conjunction  with  the  explanatory  phrase  Kara  Ov/jlov  or 
6vfjLw.  Its  earlier  conjectural  sense,  to  foresee,  is  further- 
more in  harmony  with  the  frequent  use  of  the  future  in- 
finitive after  the  verb.  If  we  grant  that  otofiat  is  pri- 
marily a  verb  of  sense  perception,  hence  transitive,  its  con- 
struction with  an  accusative  and  infinitive  is  satisfactorily 
explained,  and  other  verbs  of  thinking  may  be  assumed  to 
have  followed  the  analogy  of  oiofiat  when  they  lack  justi- 
fication for  the  usage  within  themselves.^ 

By  the  same  principle  the  use  of  the  accusative  with  in- 
finitive is  accounted  for  after  impersonal  verbs  also,  ^pv 
is  the  third  person  singular  of  what  was  originally  a  transi- 
tive verb  meaning  to  tahe,  from  which  there  was  later  de- 
rived the  sense  to  urge,  to  force,  etc.  In  its  latter  significa- 
tion it  was  joined  with  a  subject  in  the  nominative  case  and 
an  object  in  the  accusative : 

ri  o-e  xP^  ravra  \fyea-dai  Iliad,  13,  275. 

what  urges  you  to  speak  these  things  ? 

ov8^  ri  fxe  xpij 
dcTKcX^ws  lei  fxeveaivi  fiev  Iliad,  19,  68. 

impels  me  ever  to  be  stubbornly  wrathful 

When  the  verb  took  on  the  meaning  it  is  necessary,  the  sub- 
ject was  lost  and  only  the  accusative  with  infinitive  re- 
mained. The  impersonal  verb  ^^l  experienced  a  similar 
change,  its  original  meaning  of  hind,  compel,  being  illu- 
strated in  the  following  passage: 

tI  di  8ei  voXefii^^ixevai  Tpdeffaiv 

'Apyeiovs  Iliad,  9,  337. 

what  compels  the  Argives  to  war  against  the  Trojans  ? 

Other  impersonal  verbs  were  more  naturally  construed  with 
a  dative  and  an  infinitive,  but  changed  the  dative  to  an 

*  Fleischer,  52-54. 


19 

accusative  when  the  latter  came  to  be  felt  as  the  case  most 
appropriately  associated  with  the  infinitive.^ 

The  extension  of  the  idiom  to  intransitive  and  neuter  verbs 
must  be  ascribed  to  the  operation  of  analogy  working  through 
the  cognate  meanings  of  the  various  expressions.  When  the 
combination  of  an  accusative  and  an  infinitive  into  a  single 
syntactical  element  became  completely  crystallized,  it  was 
probably  found  easy  to  transfer  it  from  the  verb  ^oiiko^ai, 
with  which  it  was  common,  to  the  neuter  verb  ^ovXtj  /jlol 

These  few  illustrations,  though  necessarily  brief  and  in- 
complete, sufiice  to  show  that  the  rich  and  varied  use  of  the 
accusative  with  infinitive  in  Greek,  like  its  meagre  and 
limited  use  in  Indo-Iranian,  has  its  origin  in  the  relation 
of  the  accusative  to  the  predicate  verb  of  the  main  clause  as 
its  object,  and  does  not  depend  on  some  unexplained  relation 
between  accusative  and  infinitive. 

(3)     Latin 

In  Latin  our  locution  reached  its  greatest  development, 
but  here  also  there  is  no  question  that  the  usage  goes  back  to 
those  cases  in  which  the  accusative  served  as  the  object  of  the 
main  verb.  Erom  our  earliest  literary  monuments  we  find 
the  construction  employed  after  verbs  of  making,  causing, 
allowing,  commanding,  seeing,  hearing^  etc.  Examples  such 
as  "  tu  facis  me  vivere''  (Plautus),  '' familiam  ne  sieris 
peccare"  (Cato),  are  too  simple  to  require  extensive  cita- 
tions, and  our  glance  at  the  history  of  the  locution  in  Greek 
has  shown  how  the  construction  may  extend  to  verbs  of 
kindred  signification.  The  Oscan-Umbrian  dialects  furnish 
a  few  transition  examples  in  which  the  relation  between  the 
accusative  and  the  main  verb  is  still  very  plain. 

1  Fleischer,  59-63. 
»/6td.,  63. 


20 

Oscan :  pod  ualaemon  touticom  tadait  ezum 
Laiin :  quod  optimum  publicum  censeat  esse 

Umhrian :  pursikurent  rehte  kuratu  eru 
Latin :  pronuntiaverint  recte  curatum  esse 

Umbrian :  panta  muta  .  .  .  eru  pepurkurcnt 

Latin:  quanta  mulia  .  .  .  (adfertori)  «ss«  poposcerint.^ 

These  dialects,  early  as  they  are,  exemplify  the  construe- 
tion  in  its  fully  developed  stage,  with  the  accusative,  namely, 
in  feeling  quite  independent  of  the  main  verb,  e,  g., 

Oscan:  pous  touto  deiuatuns  tanginom  deicans  siom  .  .  .  deicum 
Laiin :  ut  populus  iurati  sententiam  dicant  se  .  .  .  dicere 

Oscan :  deiuatud  .  .  .  siom  .  .  ,  pertumum 
Latin:  iurati .  ,  .  se  .  .  .  perimere.^ 

Lindskog  has  pointed  out  ^  that  the  wide  extent  of  the  locu- 
tion in  Latin  is  in  a  measure  due,  as  in  Greek,  to  the  use  of 
the  accusative  in  earlier  Latin  after  verbs  which  ceased  to 
admit  such  a  usage  in  the  classical  language.  The  follow- 
ing passages  from  Plautus  and  Terence  illustrate  the  earlier 
usage : 

censeo :  quid  Ulum  censes  Terence  :  Andria,  853. 

nescio :  ilia  Ulum  nescit  neque  compressam  autem  pater 

Plautus :  AultUana,  30. 

nescio :  deos  nescio  ;  ego  quod  potero,  sedulo 

Terence:  Heautontim. ,  1038. 

dico :  scio  ut  me  dices  Plautus  :  Menaechmi,  433. 

seniio :  neque  eo  nunc  dico,  quo  quicquam  Ulum  senserim 

Terence:  Heautontim, y  554. 

spero :  dis  sum  fretus,  deos  sperabimus      Plautus  :  Casina^  346. 

deos  sperabo  teque  Plautus:  MUes  GloriosuSf  1209. 

»VonPlanta,  II,  438. 
»J6irf.,  II,  468. 
^Eranos,  I,  127. 


21 

volo:  quom  quae  te  uolt  eandem  tu  uis  i6.,  1071. 

vos  uolo    .     .     .     et  nos  te  ib.,  1267. 

si  quid  te  uolam  Plautus  :  ^sinaria,  109. 

Tiolo :  nolo  uictumas  Plautus  :  PseudoliLS,  329. 

iam  nolo  argentum  Plautus  :  Persa,  127.* 

This  old  use  of  the  accusative  maintained  itself  longest  in 
the  proleptic  construction.  The  difference  between  classical 
usage  and  that  of  Plautus  and  Terence  is  indicated  by  the 
parallel  citations  below : 


Plautus  and  Terence 

nesdo :  at  pol  ego  eum,  qua  sit  facie, 
nescio    Plautus  :  Poenulus,  592. 

qv£ieso :  quaeratis  chlamydem  et 
machaeram  hanc,  unde  ad  me 
pervenerit 

Plautus :  Cureidio,  632. 

perspicio:  priusquam  tuom  ut  sese 
habeat  animum  ad  nuptias 
perspexerit 

Terence :  AndriUf  377. 

sdo:  scio  equidem  te  animatus  ut 
sis    Plautus  :  Trinummus,  698. 

video :  vides  m«,  omatus  ut  sim 

Plautus :  Rudena,  573. 


Cicero 

Quod  defratre  ubi  eum  uisuri  esse- 
mus  nesciebamus 

AtticuSf  in,  7,  3. 

in  quo  etiam  de  animisj  cuius  gene- 
ris essent,  quaereretur 

Fin.,  IV,  6,  82. 

Nam  de  Pollione  Asinio  puto  te  per- 
spicere  quid  facturus  sit 

JFam.,  XI,  9,  1. 

Volo  etiam  de  naufragio  Caniniano 
scire,  quid  sit 

AtticuSf  xn,  44,  3. 

Nunc  videamus,  quaero,  de  summo 

boTiOf   quod  continet  philoso- 

phiam,  quid  tandem  attulerit 

Fin.,  XV,  6,  14.» 


The  passages  from  Plautus  and  Terence  in  which  the  pre- 
dicate verb  is  followed  by  an  accusative  case  as  direct  object 
and  by  a  proleptic  clause  indicate  the  stage  from  which  the 
accusative  with  infinitive  construction  was  immediately  de- 
veloped by  the  substitution  of  the  infinitive  for  the  proleptic 
clause.     The  accusative  with  infinitive  is  also  richly  exempli- 


^Eranos,  I,  127-128. 
'  Eranos,  I,  132. 


22 

fied  in  the  plays  of  Plautus  and  Terence.  In  classical  Latin 
many  of  these  verbs  had  assumed  a  more  special  meaning, 
and  the  greater  precision  of  the  language  demanded  the  em- 
ployment of  a  definite  prepositional  phrase  where  a  rough 
accusative  had  sufficed  for  the  earlier  writers.  This  dissocia- 
tion of  the  accusative  from  the  main  verb  resulted  in  welding 
the  former  into  a  closer  syntactical  unity  with  the  infinitive 
and  stimulated  the  rapid  extension  of  the  construction  in 
classical  Latin. 

(4)     Gothic 

The  consideration  of  our  construction  in  Gothic  is  beset 
with  several  difficulties.  ISTot  only  is  the  body  of  Gothic 
literature  very  meagre,  but  what  we  have  of  it  is  dominated 
entirely  by  Greek,  so  that  it  is  difficult  to  determine  the 
normal  limits  which  our  idiom  would  have  had  if  unsup- 
ported by  the  Greek.  For  this  we  are  in  part  compensated 
by  a  number  of  divergences  from  the  original,  which,  in 
view  of  the  general  fidelity  of  the  translation,  are  significant.* 

The  construction  after  factitive  verbs  is  found  in  all  the 
Germanic  dialects ;  its  employment  in  Gothic,  therefore,  need 
not  be  ascribed  to  Greek  influence. 

taujan  :  hwazuh  saei  afletij>  qen  seina . . .  tauji}>  J>o  korinon   Matthew,  5, 32. 
whoever  puts  away  his  wife  causes  her  to  commit  adultery 

jah  gatauja  igqis  wa{r\>an  nutans  manne  Mark,  1,  17.' 

and  I  will  make  you  to  become  fishers  of  men 

That  this  construction  was  natural  to  Gothic  is  indicated  by 
its  substitution  in  several  places  for  a  different  Greek  locu- 
tion, e,  g,, 

*The  text  of  Streitberg's  new  edition  of  the  Ootisches  Elem^ntarbuch  (1906) 
has  been  consulted  in  all  possible  instances,  and  it  has  not  been  found  to 
affect,  in  the  case  of  this  construction  at  least,  the  customary  inferences  con- 
cerning the  translator's  usage. 

»Al80,  Mark,  7,  37. 


23 

gatawidedun  anakumbjan  allans  LukCf  9,  15. 

sunus  }panzei  will  liban  gataujij>  John,  5,  21. 

gawaurkjan :  gawaurhta  twali/du  wimn  mij>  sis  Mark^  3,  14.* 

iirolT](r€  .  .    .  tva  &<nv 

Closely  connected  with  factitive  verbs  in  signification  are 
letan,  fraletan,  and  Jiaitan.  According  to  Apelt,^  words  of 
this  class  cannot  be  said  to  govern  the  accusative  with  in- 
finitive strictly,  because  the  object  belongs  to  the  main  verb 
rather  than  to  the  infinitive,  and  herein  Apelt  follows  the 
narrow  limits  of  Grimm's  definition. 

letan :  let  \}ans  dau];>ans  JUhan  seinans  dau}?ans  Matthew,  8,  22.' 

4065  ToDs  veKpoi>s  dd\J/ai  Toi>s  iavTujv  veKpois  ^ 

fraletan :  jah  ni  fralailot  rodjan  \io»  unhuli>dns  Marky  1,  34.* 

Kol  oiK  if<l>i€V  \a\eiv  rcb  daifidvia 

bidjan :  bedun  ina  .  .  .  galei\>an  LukCf  8,  37. 

'^p<i}Tr]o-€v  airby  .  .  .  direXdeiv 

haitan :  haihait  g(dei\>an  siponjans  hindar  marein       Matthew,  8,  18. 
iKiXevaev  arreKdeTv  els  rb  vipav 

The  closeness  of  this  use  to  the  strict  classical  accusative 
with  infinitive  is  more  readily  observed  when  the  Gothic 
active  infinitive  is  used  to  translate  a  Greek  passive: 

haihait  ina  tiuhan  du  sis  LukCf  18,  40. 

iK^eva-ev  airrbv  dx^^vat  irpbs  airrbv 

haihait  wopjan  du  sis  ]>an8  skalkans  Lukey  19,  15. 

elrrev  <f>(avTf0rjvai  a^y  rois  doiXovs 


^  Other  examples  are:  Mark,  8,  25;  Luke,  5,  34 ;  John,  6,  63 ;  11  Cor., 
9,  10  ;  Skeirins,  V  b,  VII,  c.     With  gamanwjan:  I  Cor.,  9,  5. 

2Pfeiffer's  Germania,  XIX,  296. 

3  Also,  Mark,  7,  27  ;  10,  14  ;  LuJce,  4,  41  ;  9,  60  ;  18,  10 ;  John,  11,  44  ; 
18,  8 ;  etc. 

*  Also  Mark,  5,  37  ;  7,  12 ;  Luke,  8,  51. 


24: 

There  are  even  a  few  examples  after  hidjan  and  anabiudan  in 
which  the  accusative  is  entirely  detached  from  the  main  verb, 
but  these  are  literal  translations  of  the  corresponding  Greek 


bidjandans,  ni  swarei  arist  gu>s  niman  izwis  II  Cor.,  6,  1. 

irapaKoXovfiev  fi^  els  Kevbv  t^p  x^P*-^  tov  ^^oO  di^aadai  vfids 

anabiuda  .  .  .  fasian  \>uk  \>d  anabusn  I  Tim.,  6,  13. 

TrapayyiWoj  .  .  .  TTjpija-at  <re  rijv  ivToK-^v 

Verbs  of  seeing  and  hearing  are  followed  in  Greek  quite 
regularly  by  a  substantive  (in  the  accusative  case  after  verbs 
of  seeing,  in  the  genitive  or  accusative  after  verbs  of  hearing) 
and  by  a  participle  in  agreement  with  the  substantive.  This 
construction  Gothic  generally  imitates  faithfully,  but  in  a 
few  places  it  substitutes  the  accusative  with  infinitive  and 
thus  betrays  the  natural  tendency  of  the  language. 

gasaihwijj  sunu  mans  ussteigan  John,  6,  62. 

OetapiJTe  rbv  vihv  .  .  .  dva^aivovra 

)>aii  gasaihwi}»  \>ata  wair]>an  Mark,  13,  29. 

drav  tSrire  ravra  yevbpueva 

hwanfilu  hausidedun  waur\>an  in  Kafarnaum  Jbuke,  4,  23. 

6<ra  ijKoiaaixev  yevbfjieva  .  .  , 

Examples  of  the  customary  construction  with  the  participle 
are: 

gasahw  motari  .  .  .  sitandan  Lake,  5,  27. 

idedffaro  reKdvTjv  .   .   .   Kad'fifuvov 

weis  gahausidedun  qi\>andan  ina  Mark,  14,  58. 

ijfieh  ijKOTLKTapLiv  airrov  \4yovTos 

bigat  unhul\>on  usgaggavja  jah  \>d  dauhtar  ligandein  ana  ligra 

Mark,  7,  30. 

eZpe  rb  Saifxbvtov  i^eXrjXvdbs  Kal  r^v  dvyaripa  fiepXrjfxivTfv  iirl  ttjs  kXIvtis 

Verbs  denoting  a  mental  action  seem  to  be  treated  exactly 
like  verbs  of  sense  perception.     The  accusative  with  infinitive 


25 

occurs  a  number  of  times  in  Gothic  independently  of  the 
original. 

rahnjan :  ni  wulwa  rahnida  wisan  sik  galeiko  guj>a  PAiZ.,  2,  6. 

ovx  apirayfibv  ijyi^aaTO  rb  etvai  taa  6e^ 

);>atuh  rahnida  in  Xristaus  slei>a  tvisan  PhU.,  3,  7. 

ravra  ^yrnxai  5iA  rbv  Xpiffrbv  ^T^fxiav 

wenjan :  unte  wenja  mik  hwo  hweil5  scdjan  at  izwis  I  Con,  16,  7. 

iXwl^ii)  y&p  XP^^°^  'r*''^  iirifieTvai  irpbs  if /xas 

wenja  .  .  .  swikunbans  vrisan  uns  II  Cor.,  5,  11. 

i\irll^(ij  .  .  .  vetpavipCiadai 

munan :  man  auk  ni  waihti  mik  minnizo  gaiaujan  II  Cor.j  11,  5. 

"Koyl^ofiai  yhp  firjSiv  vffrepTjKivai 

munandans  sik  aglons  urraiyan  PkU.f  1,  17. 

ol6fX£voi  d\l\piv  iyelpeiv 

gatraujan :  jabai  hwas  gatrauaij>  sik  silban  Xristaus  wisan 

II  Cor.,  10,  7. 
et  Tts  v^TTOLdev  iavT^  XpiffToO  elvai 

wiljan :  wileidu  fraleitan  izwis  >ana  >iudan  Judaic  Mark,  15,  9. 

d^Xere  diroXiJo-w  vfuv  rbv  ^aaiXia  tuv  ^lovdaLuv 

More  often  the  use  of  the  accusative  with  infinitive  after 
these  verbs  of  mental  perception  is  due  to  a  literal  imitation 
of  the  Greek. 

rahnjan:  ak  mais  sildaleikjandans  fraujins  laisein  smkun\>aba 

in  allaim  alamannam  faura  u-isan  rahnidedua  SkeirinSf  vm,  b. 

dodnnam  .  .  .  existere  putabant 

hugjan :  hugjandona  in  gasin)>jam  ina  wisan  Luke,  2,  44. 

vofilaavres  ainbv  ip  ry  ffvvodlq,  elvai 

galaubjan  :  triggwaba  galaubjand  auk  allai  Johannen  praufetu 
wisan  Luke,  20,  6. 

Trerreurfiiyoi  ydp  elffiv  ^I(advT]v  vpo<l>^Tiv  elvai. 

gadSmjan:  eis  allai  gad5midedun  ina  skula  wisan  dau)>au 

Mark,  14,  64. 
0^5^  irdyres  KariKpivov  Avrbv  ivoxov  elvat  davdrov 

munan :  ik  mik  silban  ni  nauh  man  gafdhan  Phil.,  3,  13. 

ifjL  avrbv  oijiru)  Xoylj^ofMi  KareiXTj^lmi 


26 

witan :  unte  wissedun  silban  Xristu  ina  wisan  Luke,  4,  41. 

8ti  ydeiffay  rhv  "Kpiffrbv  airbv  etvai 

wiljan :  ne  wilda  trtton  mannan  Mark,  7,  24, 

fXT}Ziva  ijdeXe  yv&vai 

ni  wileima  \>ana  \>indandn  ufar  unsis  Luke,  19,  14. 

oi  diXofiev  TovTov  Pa<n\€v<rai  i<f>    i]fids 

Several  times  the  active  infinitive  is  used  after  wiljan  to 
translate  a  Greek  passive  infinitive. 

hwaiwa  wildedi  haitan  ina  Luke,  1 ,  62. 

rl  &v  d4\oL  KaKetadai  avrbv 

That  the  use  of  the  accusative  with  infinitive  after  verbs 
of  mental  action  is  not  foreign  to  Gothic,  may  be  inferred 
from  the  frequent  occurrence  of  an  accusative  with  a  pre- 
dicate adjective  or  participle  after  verbs  of  this  class.  These 
two  constructions  are  practically  identical. 

rahnjan :  sa  mik  silban  wair\>ana  rahnida  Luke,  7,  7. 

0^5^  ifiavrbv  ^^itaaa 

|)iw68  seinans  fraujans  allaizos  sweri)>5s  wairj>ans  rahnjaine 

I  Tim.,  6,  1. 
8e<r7r6Tas  .   .   .   d^lovs  7]yelffd<a<ra» 

gahugjan:  galauijandan  mik  gahugida,  I  Tim.,  1,  12. 

mffrSp  fxe  i]yi^<raTO 

munan:  ibai  hwas  mik  muni  unfrodana  II  Cor.,  11,  16. 

firjTli  fi€  86^27  li<f)pova,  elvai 

gamunan:  gamuneis  Xristu  lesu  urrisanana  II  Tim.,  2,  8. 

fjLvrjfidveve  'lijffovv  XpiarSv  iyt^yepfiivov 

domjan :  motarjos  garaihtana  domidedun  guj>  Luke,  7,  29. 

idiKalcjcrav  tov  0e6v 

kunnan :  ei  kunneina  imk  ainana  sunju  gu);>  John,  17,  3. 

tva  yiyvdxTKuxri  <rk  tov  pAvov  aXrjdivSv  Oebv 

ufkun)>a  maht  usgaggandein  Luke,  8,  46. 

Hyvuv  Sivafxiv  i^€\dov<rav 

witan :  wait  m<innan  .  .  .  frawulwanana  J>ana  swaleikana    II  Cor.,  12,  2. 
olda  &vdp(t)iroy  .  .   .   apvayivra  rhv  toiovtov 


27 

After  qi^an  Gothic  generally  employs  a  clause  introduced 
by  ei  (that)  instead  of  the  Greek  accusative  with  infinitive, 
the  former  being  the  regular  native  construction.  But  the 
original  is  imitated  in  a  few  passages. 

hwana  mik  qij>and  mans  vman  Mark,  8,  27. 

riva  tie  \4yovcnv  ol  AvOpojiroi  elvai 

haiei  qi>and  mstass  ni  wisan  Mark,  12,  18  ;  Luke,  20,  27. 

\4yov<Tiv  avdaraciv  fj,^  efvai 

qej;>un  \>eihwon  wair\>an  John,  12,  29.^ 

fXeyov  PpovT^v  yeyovivai 

An  examination  of  the  foregoing  examples  will  show  that 
it  is  possible  in  nearly  every  instance  to  connect  the  accusa- 
tive with  the  verb  of  the  main  clause  as  an  object  to  it. 
But  when  the  translator  encountered  an  accusative  with 
infinitive  after  an  impersonal  verb,  he  found  it  impossible, 
apparently,  to  render  it  faithfully  and  still  preserve  the 
Gothic  idiom.  When  the  object  referred  to  a  person,  there- 
fore, he  changed  the  accusative  case  to  a  dative  and  thus 
brought  the  substantive  into  closer  relation  with  the  main 
verb  as  a  sort  of  dative  of  advantage.^ 

jah  warb  ]>airhgaggan  imma  .  .  .  J>airh  atisk  Mark,  2,  23. 

Kal  iyhero  Siairopel/ea-dai  airSv 

jah  war]>  .  .  .  galei\>an  imma  in  synagogein  iah  lai^an       Luke,  6,  6. 
iyivero  5k  .  .   .  elffeXdeTv  g^r^y  .   .   .   Kal  diddg-Keip 

swaei  mis  mais  faginon  war)>  II  Cor.,  7,  7. 

&<rTe  fie  /laXKop  x^-PV^^*- 

hwaiwa  agla  ist  ^aim  hugjandam  sifar  faihau  in  >iudangardja  gu)>s  galci\>an 

Mark,  10,  24. 

wws  5i<TKo\bv  iari  rods  iretroidSrai  irrl  xP'^^f^o.criv  eh  t^v 
^aaCKeiav  rod  6eov  el<r€\deiv 

^  Other  examples  of  the  construction  after  verbs  of  mental  action  and 
of  speaking  are:  Mark,  10,  36;  Luke,  19,  27;  20,  41;  I  Coi\,  7,  7;  10, 
20 ;  11,  13 ;  II  Cor.,  4,  6  ;  I  Tim.,  2,  8  ;  5,  14 ;  II  Tim.,  2,  18. 

^Pfeiffer's  Qermania,  XIX,  287-289. 


It  seems  safe  to  assume  with  Apelt  that  the  few  instances  in 
which  Gothic  employs  an  accusative  with  infinitive  after  an 
impersonal  construction  are  slavish  imitations  of  the  Greek. 

azetiz5  ist  himin  jah  air\>a  hindarlei\>an  J>au  witodis  ainana  writ 
gadriusan  Luke,  16,  17. 

eiKOirdrepov   64   iffTi   rov   ovpavSv   kuI    t^p   y^v   TrapeKdeTv  ^   toG 
pdfwv  jxlav  Kepalav  ireffeiv 

This  analysis,  furthermore,  justifies  us  in  construing  as 
datives  the  doubtful  substantives  in  the  following  sentences : 

mel  ist  uns  us  sleipa  urreisan  Bomans,  13,  11. 

&pa  Tifias  ijdt)  i^  iirvov  iyepdijvai 

god  ist  unsis  her  unsan  Luke,  9,  33. 

Ka\6v  iffTi  TjiMcis  &8e  elvai 

More  frequently  Gothic  substitutes  a  clause  with  ei  for  the 
accusative  with  infinitive  in  such  passages.  The  same  holds 
true  of  the  use  after  swaswe  and  swaei  (Greek  ware).  Gen- 
erally ^  the  accusative  with  infinitive  of  the  original  is  trans- 
lated by  a  clause,  but  there  are  sporadic  cases  of  literal  imita- 
tion. 

swaei  )»ata  andanei)>o  izwis  mais  fragiban  jah  ga);>laihan       II  Cor.,  2,  7. 
&ffTe  roivavrlov  p.a\\ov  ifxais  x^P^^^*^^^'-  '^°-^  irapaKaXiarai 


(5)     Old  High  German 

In  Old  High  German  we  are  confronted  by  some  of  the 
same  difficulties  that  are  met  with  in  Gothic.  Much  of  the 
prose  literature  is  translated  from  Latin  and  the  rest  is 
clearly  under  the  influence  of  Latin  models.  It  is  hardly 
permissible  to  assume  ^  that  an  original  text  like  the  "  Evan- 
gelienbuch"  represents  the  widest  usage  which  Old  High 
German  ever  had.     Since  the  construction  was  on  the  wane 

^E.  g.,  Mark,  1,  27 ;  II  Cor.,  3,  7 ;  7,  7 ;  8,  6 ;  Ramans,  7,  6,  etc. 
'As  is  done  by  Apelt :   Ueber  den  Ace.  c.  Inf.  im  Ahd.  und  Mhd.,  12. 


29 

in  Middle  High  German,  but  was  even  there  more  freely 
employed  than  in  the  "  Evangelienbuch,"  we  may  with 
greater  security  adopt  the  criterion  established  by  Denecke, 
that  where  the  construction  occurs  in  Middle  High  German  it 
probably  also  occurred  in  Old  High  German.^ 

Otfrid's  relatively  limited  use  of  the  accusative  with  in- 
finitive is  freer  than  that  allowed  by  the  modern  German 
idiom.  After  factitive  verbs  the  construction  is  fairly  com- 
mon. 

gituon :  ih  tuon  ivvuih  uuesan  mannd  fiscara  Tatian,  19,  2.' 

faciara  vos  fieri  piscatores  hominum 

gituost  tu  mih  erstdn  Notker,  n,  29a5.' 

thou  makest  me  to  arise 

gifestenon :  den  du  dir  gefestenStost  utbesan  einiclicho  liebin 

Notker,  ii,  289al6. 
whom  you  establish  to  be  for  yourself  the  only  life 

lazen :  liaz  thaz  touastweldi  sin  Otfrid,  i,  23,  9.* 

he  caused  the  waste-world  to  be 

Verbs  of  permitting  and  commanding  are  also  generally 
joined  with  an  accusative  and  infinitive. 

Ifizen :  wir  sculun  .  .  ,  lazan  sin  thaz  sldfan  Otfrid,  iv,  37,  7. 

we  should  let  sleep  be 

heizan :  hiaz  inan  irwtntan  Otfrid,  li,  9,  52. 

he  bade  him  turn  around 

hiaz  er  sie  bringan  thero  fisgo  /6.,  v,  13,  35. 

man  sie  hiez  legem  spiritalem  intdlegere  Notker,  ii,  446bl5. 

bittan :  bat  sih  katrencan  daz  wip 

Miillenhof  u.  Scherer's  Denkmalery  x,  5. 
asked  the  woman  to  give  him  a  drink 

in  baten  chomen  Notker,  n,  446bl5. 

> 
'^  Der  Gebrauch  des  Inf.^  bei  den  Ahd.  U^erseteem,  27. 
'JSa.  Sie  vers. 
^Ed.  Hattemer. 
*Ed.  Erdmann. 


30 

gibiotan :  gibot  her  thiejungiron  stigan 
iussit  diseiptUos  ascenders 

leren :  leri  unsih  beton 
doce  nos  orare 

wellen :  willih  inan  wonen 
volo  eum  manere 

ni  wollemes  thesan  nhhison 
nolumus  hunc  regnare 

uuolta  mih  uuesen  sina  sponsam 


Tatian,  80,  7. 
Tatian,  34,  5. 
Tatian,  239,  3. 
16.,  151,  3. 
Notker,  ii,  64bl2. 


Besides  the  accusative  with  infinitive,  these  verbs  also  employ 
an  accusative  with  a  predicate  adjective  or  participle. 


lazen :  er  tuihtes  ungeddn  ne  liaz 
he  did  not  leaye  aught  undone 

in  caleitit  unsih  ni  lazzes 
induei  nos  ne  siveris 

Verbs  of  sense  and  mental  perception  : 

gisehan :  sah  si  druhttn  stantan 

in  imo  sahun  sie  gotes  kraft  scinan 

ih  sah  in  haben  geislicha  genada 

I  perceived  him  to  have  spiritual  grace 

horen :  thenfater  hort  er  sprechan 

thaz  ir  hortut  guedam  mih 
what  you  heard  me  say 

findan :  thesan  fundumes  .  .  .  quedan 
hunc  inveniemus  .  .  .  dicentem 

chiusen :  chiuset  tih  taz  kemugen 
perceives  you  to  be  able  (to  do)  this 


Otfrid,  V,  4,  46. 
Murbach  Hymns,  2,  10.^ 


Otfrid,  V,  7,  44. 
i6.,  II,  11,  29. 
Notker,  ii,  128bl4. 

Otfrid,  I,  25,  15. 
lb.,  II,  13,  5. 

Tatian,  194,  2. 

Notker,  iii,  253a8. 


gewar  warden :  sie  uuurten  guar  die  sangcutenna  dar  zufaren 

Notker,  iii,  258b26. 
they  noticed  th^  muses  go  there 


^Ed.  Sievers. 


31 

irkennen :  ih  irkanta  .  .  .  tkia  kraft  hi&r  faran  fona  mir 

Otfrid,  III,  14,  36. 
I  recognized  .  .  .  the  might  go  before  me 

wanen :  wantun  sih  geist  gisehan  Tatian,  230,  3. 

existimabant  se  spiritum  videre 

wantun  in  wesan  lb,,  12,  3. 

existimantes  esse 

wanit  sih  ambaht  bringan  lb.,  171,  3. 

arbitretur  obsequium  praestare  (accusative  lacking) 

daz  man  sih  uuanet  uuesan  dinhalb  helfelose        Notker,  ii,  206a9. 
that  one  thinks  himself  to  be  helpless 

rachon :  vuanda  uuir  daz  ende  geuuar  rachoton  guot  utiesan 

Notker,  m,  149b4. 
for  we  deemed  the  end  to  be  good 

bechnaen :  ih  pechnata  mih  uuandallichin  Notker,  ii,  222a9. 

I  acknowledged  myself  converted 

wizzen :  den  er  uueiz  sih  mugen  fersueren  Notker,  ii,  402a3. 

whom  he  knows  to  be  able  to  forswear  himself 

zuivelon :  zuivelost  tu  danne  daz  uuesan  naturlich  ambaht  tero  fuozo 

Notker,  in,  168b3. 
do  you  doubt  that  to  be  the  true  service  of  the  feet 

ahton :  daz  ahtot  er  uuesen  daz  pezesta  Notker,  iii,  99b36. 

he  considers  that  to  be  the  best 

There  are  other  examples  with  truwen  (ISTotker,  III,  233b7), 
gedenchan  (ih..  Ill,  336b35),  erhugen  {ih..  Ill,  166b31), 
and  ratiscon  (ih..  Ill,  229b8). 

This  class  of  verbs  very  frequently  takes  an  accusative 
with  a  predicate  adjective  or  participle. 

(gi)sehan :  gisahun  .  .  .  fisgd  brdtenti  Otfrid,  v,  13,  32. 

they  saw  the  fish  broiling 

thih  sulichan  gisahi  lb.,  Y,  20,  84. 

he  saw  thee  such 

findan:  fand  sia  drurenta  lb.,  i,  5,  9. 

found  them  mourning 


32 


funti  ganzan  slnan  sun 
found  his  son  whole 

wizzen :  wir  wizun  inan  firdditan 
we  know  him  wicked 

sie  sih  westin  reinan 
they  knew  themselves  pure 

ih  weiz  megin  fon  mir  uzgangen 
novi  virtutem  de  me  exisse 

zelen :  thaz  er  nan  zalta  so  ^ua< 


Jh.j  ni,  2,  22. 
16.,  m,  20,  108. 
76.,  IV,  12,  21. 
Tatian,  60,  6. 
Otfrid,  II,  7,  58. 


The  persistence  of  the  construction  after  these  verbs  of 
perception  in  Middle  High  German  is  an  indication  of  its 
genuine  Germanic  character.  Grimm  cites  among  other  ex- 
amples : 

ich  sach  vil  liehte  varwe  hdn  die  heide 

ich  sihe  si  hdn  so  suezez  leben 

ich  horttn  wol  den  ersten  ^n 

ich  erkenne  alle  diesen  Stiicke  war  sin 

Luther  has  "  ich  achte  es  billich  sein"  and  Opitz  at  the  end  of 
the  seventeenth  century  writes  "  acht  ich  es  das  beste  seinJ* 
There  are  also  such  eighteenth  century  survivals  as  "  ich  habe 
dies  geschehen  zu  sein  mir  erzahlen  lassen  "  and  ^'  da  ich 
mich  zu  liegen  vermerkte."  ^ 

The  accusative  with  infinitive  after  verbs  of  speaking  is 
hardly  found  outside  of  Tatian  and  ^otker,  but  we  are  not 
therefore  justified  in  attributing  it  to  Latin  influence,  since 
plentiful  analogies  exist  in  other  Germanic  dialects. 


quedan :  ir  quedet  mih  werphan  diwala 
dicitis  eicere  me  demonia 

er  chad  sih  finden  sin  herza 
he  said  his  heart  to  find  itself 

chundan :  sih  chundida  wesan  chisendida 
announced  himself  to  have  been  sent 

*  Grimm  :  Deutsche  Grammatik,  IV,  118-119. 
*Ed.  Weinhold. 


Tatian,  62,  3. 
Notker,  n,  306b30. 
Isidor,  10,  11.2 


33 

lichazen :  llchizita  sih  rumor  faran  Tatian,  228,  1. 

finxit  se  longius  ire 

iehen :  pediu  sulen  uuir  iehen  guot  uuesen  allero  dingo  ende 

Notker,  m,  149b6. 
we  should  aflSrm  the  end  of  all  things  to  be  good 

bezeichenen :  tiu  dir  bezeichenet  eteuuaz  uuesan 

Notker,  in,  475b30.» 
which  indicates  to  you  something  to  he 


The  "  Murbach  Hymns  "  once  employ  an  accusative  with  a 
predicate  participle  after  sprecJian  to  translate  a  Latin  accu- 
sative with  infinitive. 

erstantan  truhtinan  sprichit  19,  10. 

resurrexisse  dominum  fatetur 

Peculiar  to  E'otker  and  probably  due  to  Latin  influence  is 
the  use  of  the  locution  after  verbs  expressing  an  emotion, 
e,  g., 

chlagetost  tu  dih  tir  unrehto  uuesen  gdonot  ill,  40a5.' 

do  you  complain  that  injustice  toas  done  to  you 

In  considering  the  usage  with  impersonal  and  neuter  verbs 
we  must  remember  that  many  Old  High  German  expres- 
sions of  this  class  govern  an  accusative  case  as  direct  object,' 
e.g., 

ist  wuntar :  ist  filu  manno  wuntar  Otfrid,  v,  1, 1. 

great  wonder  is  on  the  men 

wuntar  was  thia  menigi  lb. ,  i,  9,  27. 

wonder  was  on  the  multitude 

ist  niot :  thes  thih  mag  wesan  wola  niot  lb.,  v,  6,  14. 

of  this  you  it  may  well  be  pleasing  (you  may  well  rejoice  at  this) 


^  Other  examples  in  Notker  are  found  after  sprecAen  (III,  506b31),  lougnen 
(III,  168b),  anttvurtm  (III,  252b34 ;  242a8),  sagen  (III,  203al2). 

'^  Other  examples  after  riuwen  (III,  45a3),  zihen  (III,  475b30),  zumen  (III, 
107b20). 


34 

thes  ist  sie  iamer  filu  niot  lb. ,  v,  22,  7. 

they  are  ever  pleased  at  this 

wola  ward :  ward  wola  thiu  seUmn  mtmmgon  lb. ,  v,  9,  11. 

When  an  object  infinitive  is  added  to  sentences  like  the  pre- 
ceding, we  have  a  combination  which  is  hardly  distinguish- 
able from  the  free  Latin  accusative  with  infinitive.  But 
it  is  quite  apparent  from  these  illustrations  that  the  assump- 
tion of  Latin  influence  is  not  necessary,  that  the  accusative, 
indeed,  is  almost  always  felt  as  directly  connected  with  the 
main  verb,  and  that  these  cases,  therefore,  do  not  differ  from 
the  other  categories  of  the  accusative  with  infinitive  which 
are  found  in  Old  High  German.^ 

gilustit :  then  lesan  iz  gilusti  Otfrid,  i,  1,  10. 

whom  the  desire  takes  to  read  {den  es  verlangt) 

gilimphit :  gilimfit  mih  gangen.  Tatian,  92,  1. 

oportet  me  ambulare 

gilsimt  inan  varan  76.,  87,  1. 

oportebat  eum  transire 

bifahit :  ni  bifahit  wizagon  vorwerda  lb.,  92,  1. 

non  capit  prophetam  perire 

In  E'otker,  impersonal  verbs  with  this  construction  seem  to 
follow  Latin  models  in  most  cases,  since  often  the  accusative 
has  no  connection  whatever  with  the  main  verb,  which  is  fol- 
lowed by  another  substantive  in  the  dative  case  as  indirect 
object. 

ist  oflFen :  unde  offen  si  sament  tein  lichamen  ersterben  dia  uuerltsdlda 

III,  68b3. 
it  is  plain  that  together  with  thy  body  earthly  happiness  will  perish 

ist  chunt :  tir  ist  chunt  .  .  .  alia  dia  erda  sih  kezihen  uuider  demo 
himile  in,  84b29. 

it  is  known  to  you  .  .  .  that  the  whole  earth  moves  .  .  . 

ist  not :  fone  diu  ist  not,  chad  si,  misseliche  namen  haben  diu  finuiu 
und  siu  doh  ein  uuesen  iii,  124b29. 

hence  it  is  necessary  .  .  .  that  the  five  should  have  different  names 
and  yet  be  a  single  thing 

^Denecke,  44. 


35 


(6)     Old  Saxon 

In  Old  Saxon  the  accusative  with  infinitive  presents  no 
difficulties.  It  is  found  after  verbs  expressing  a  causation 
and  a  sense  or  mental  perception,  but  it  occurs  neither  after 
verbs  of  speaking  nor  after  impersonal  verbs. 

don :  gehirmon  duon  uuir  alia  ddga  firlica  Psalms,  73,  8. 

quiescere  faciamus  omnes  dies  festos 

thu  mahtis  an  enon  dage  all  teuuerpan 

that  hoha  hus  heSancuninges, 

stenuuerco  mest  endi  eft  standan  giduon  Hdiand,  5574. 

doit  im  iro  hugi  tulflien  lb.,  5188. 

latan :  Tho  let  hi  that  uuerod  thanan  .  .  .  si^on  lb.,  1986. 

Ne  lat  thu  thi  thinan  hugi  tulflien, 

merrean  thina  modgithdht  lb.,  328. 

2346 ;  2633 ;  4951 ;  5031  ;  5690. 

hatan :  het  sie  im  tho  nahor  gangan  lb.,  1255. 

het  ina  slanden  up  ia  fan  themu  graje  gangan  lb.,  4097. 

hietun  thuo  hotidband  hardaro  thomo 
uuundron  uuindan  endi  an  uualdand  Crist 
selSon  settean  lb.,  5499. 

317  ;  2117  ;  2388  ;  3571 ;  3724  ;  3860  ;  4505  ;  5508. 

biddian :  ina  gemo  bad  helpan  JSeliand,  2094. 

badun  tho  so  gerno  godan  drohtin 

anUucan  thea  lera  lb. ,  2578. 

gisehan:  tho  he  gisah  that  bam  cuman  lb.,  474. 

uui  gisahun  is  bocan  sJdnan  lb.,  599. 

601  ;  2180  ;  2217  ;  4538 ;  5009  ;  5093  ;  5295  ;  5373. 

horian :  gihordun  uuilspel  mikil  fon  gode  seggean.  lb.,  527. 

siu  gih5rda  ira  bam  sprecan  lb.,  831. 

tho  sie  that  gihordun  thea  maga'S  sprekan  lb.,  2777. 

findan :  Tho  sie  Erodesan  thar  rikean  f undun 

an  is  seli  sittien  lb.,  548. 

807 ;  818  ;  4770  ;  5460. 


36 

uuitan :  thar  he  thene  odagan  man  inne  uuisse 
an  is  gestseli  gome  thiggeanj 
sittean  at  sumble  lb. ,  3337. 

Like  Gothic  and  Old  High  German,  Old  Saxon  admits  an 
accusative  with  a  predicate  participle  or  adjective  after  these 
verbs. 


sehan :  qua'Sun  that  sie  qwican  sahin 
thene  erl  mid  iro  ogun 

Heliand,  4129. 

huan  gisah  thi  man  enig 
bethuungen  an  sulicun  tharaSun 

lb.,  4405. 

findan :  fand  sie  sldpandie 

lb.,  4797. 

fundun  ina  gi/aranan  thuo  iu 

lb.,  5700. 

uuitan ;  thar  hie  uuissa  that  godes  barn, 

hreo  hangondi  herren  sines  lb. ,  5730. 

thar  sie  ina  er  biforan  ubilan  ni  uuissin, 


uuordun  faruuarhten 

lb., 

5185. 

uuissun  ina  so  goden  endi  gode  uuertSen 

lb., 

,  2726. 

si'Sor  hi  ina  hluitran  uuet  sundeono  sicoran 

lb., 

,  1719. 

tellian :  the  sie  tho  uuisostun 

undar  theru  menegi  manno  taldun 

lb., 

,4467. 

he  ina  so  rikean  telit 

lb., 

,  5103. 

(7)     Old  Norse 

The  richness  of  Old  lN"orse  literature  in  the  construction  of 
the  accusative  with  infinitive  contains  a  suggestion  of  what 
may  have  existed  in  the  other  Germanic  dialects  whose  sur- 
viving documents  are  too  meagre  to  furnish  an  accurate 
measure  of  the  extent  to  which  they  employed  the  locution. 
"No  better  illustration  of  the  inadequacy  of  Grimm's  definition 
for  the  Germanic  languages  could  be  desired  than  the  at- 
tempted application  of  it  to  Old  'Norse  by  Lund.  Lund 
classifies  his  examples  under  two  categories:  one  of  these  he 
calls  the  accusative  and  infinitive  to  indicate  that  the  union 
between  these  two  elements  is  a  loose  one,  while  he  terms  the 


37 

other  accusative  with  infinitive  because  the  two  forms  are 
there  joined  in  a  firm  syntactical  combination.  But  he  adds 
that  "  the  two  sometimes  run  together,  so  that  it  is  very  dif- 
ficult to  make  a  distinction,"  ^  Though  it  is  justifiable  to 
note  the  distinction  between  the  two  uses,  we  must  recognize 
that  the  latter  is  derived  immediately  from  the  former  and 
that  the  transition  from  one  to  the  other  is  practically  un- 
noticeable.^ 

lata :  vil  ek  at  >u  latir  mik  vita  Egilss.^  168. 

hann  let  \>dfara  metS  sem  )>eir  vildu  Sn.  Edda,  19. 

bitSja :  bitS  ek  bai-na  sifjar  duga  ^gisdr.,  16. 

Jjorvaldr  batJ  biskupfara  til  Islands  Kristn.,  4. 

sja :  hann  ser  utlenda  menn  koma  i  hoU  folSin  sins  Alex.y  2. 

J>a  sja  j)eir  atjan  menn  renna  i  moti  ser  DropL,  23. 

)>a  er  gu^  fa^ir  sa  son  dnn  vUja  sva  gott  verk  gora  A.  M.,  675,  17. 

heyra :  ef  \>u  ^oto  heyrir  ulf  Sigur^ukv.f  n,  22. 

finna :  Billings  mey  ek  fann  belSjum  a  solhvita,  sofa  Havam.j  96. 

Verbs  of  mental  perception : 

trua :  J>eir  tru^u  hann  gutJ  wra  Sn.  Edda,  148. 

hyggja :  ek  hygg  hann  vera  engan  vin  )>inn  JSgiUs.,  169. 

hygg  ek  nu  her  vera  komna  velflesta  boendr  OisLy  44,  3. 

engi  joiun  ek  hug^a  jafnramman  vera  Vaf^.j  2. 

hygg  ek  ]>ik  oepa  munu  Harbarslj.j  47. 
aetla :  ekki  er  J»vi  at  leyna,  at  ek  setla  Urpak  stolit  hafa  Band.j  12. 

>at  setla  ek  y]>r  kalla  Odainsakur  Fomald.y  m,  66. 

hafa :  J>eir  hoflSu  hann  engum  fyrr  set  sitt  hpf u"5  hneigja 

Alex.,  16. 


*  Ordfejningslcere,  379. 

'  Cf.  Falk  and  Torp  :  Dansk-norskens  Syntax,  §  128. 


38 

geta :  ek  get  Harold  skjott  munu  her  koma  EgUss.,  4. 

vita :  veit  ek  ofullt  ok  opit  standa  sonar  skar%  er  mer  sjar  um  vaun 

Sonartor.,  6. 
ask  veit  ek  standa  Voluspa,  62,  19. 

allt  er  J)U  veit  i  minum  huse  vera  Hrafnk.,  9. 

doema:  doemdan  ySr  vitislaussan  ver^a  GisL,  44,  123. 

Verbs  of  speaking : 

segja:  )>eir  sogfSu  okkr  eiga  born  saman  Kristn.,  22. 

J>eir  sog^u  Aann  m^ii  hafa  lanardrottinn  sinn  Hervar. ,  24. 

Hei^rekr  segir  son  Haralds  konungs  vera  oeztan         Hervar. ,  25. 

eigi  nennir  Darius  he'San  af  at  segja  hamingja  blinda  vera 

Alex.,  46. 
kvetSa:  hann  kvatJ  ]>at  eigi  vera  Hrafnk.,  13. 

tJlfr  kvatJ  Aann  wiuncitt  J>vi  rd'^a,  en  kra^  ser  mart  hafa  verit  i  mot 
gort  af  Haraldi  GisL,  44,  60. 

]4k  kvetJ  ek  allra  kvena  vergjamasta  vera  ^gisdr.,  17. 

at  J)U  >er  i^rey  kvetJir  oleitJastan  Ufa  Skirnism. ,  19. 

kalla :  kalla  ek  ySr  vera  yfirkomna  Sn.  Edda,  28. 

konungr  kallatSi  son  Hei'Sreks  vera  ceztan  Hervar. ,  25. 

telja :  tel  ek  brce^r  jnna  hafafcdlit  ugilda  a  sjalfra  sinna  verkum 

Egilss.,  163. 
taldi  \>rcda  Steinars  hafa  nogar  sakir  til  gort  Egilss.,  216. 

))eir  tol^u  hann  ver^a  mundu  agsetan  mjok  at  afli        Sn.  Edda,  19. 

Construction  with  predicate  participle  or  adjective: 

bidja:  konungr  ba'S  Aann  v«/A;ommn  Fornm.,  i,  16. 

vilja:  |>eir  er  \>ik  yiljsL  feigan  Dropl.,  35. 

sjS. :  J)eir  sa  Romveya  nar  alia  laupa  }>ar  vdpna'Sa  Gisl,  44,  149. 

trua    truir  J>u  );>ann  gu^  Sn.  Edda,  4. 

vsinta :  vaentir  ek  \nk  mer  ok  )>eim  altraustan  Gial.,  44,  122. 


39 

dcema :  dcema  hinn  vesta  mann  sekjan,  \>}of,  ok  tnandrdpsmann    Band,^  18. 
skilja :  jarlinn  skildi  i  J>vi  kominn  endadag  sinn  J^omw.,  v,  388. 

vita :  hann  vissi  sik  eigi  \>a,T  til  mjok  ulikan  ok  vanfoeran  Stjom.,  2. 

sa  ma'Sr  er  yer  vitum  mestan  ok  agaeztan  Sn.  Edda^  5. 

)>a  konu  «r  hann  vissi  vssnsta  Helg.  S^orv.,  pref» 

segja  :  hon  segir  \>d  sdtta  Band.,  14. 

jdng  skal  laust  segja  Grag.,  107. 

kve^a :  SteingertSr  kva^  hann  vrnian  ICorm.,  18. 

))iX*  kve'5  ek  oblau^astan  alinn  Fafnism.,  23. 

telja  :  jjeir  telja  hana  fnllmjok  djarfa  ok  uvUra  JFlatey,  i,  40. 

jata  :  jatum  ver  hann  gw^  Sn.  Edda,  4.* 

This  very  free  use  of  the  construction  in  Old  I^^orse  is 
highly  interesting  in  view  of  its  greatly  restricted  limits  in 
modern  Danish.  With  verbs  of  mental  perception  and 
declaration  the  use  has  been  almost  extinct  since  the  Renais- 
sance, finde  being  practically  the  only  verb  of  these  categories 
which  now  admits  the  construction.^ 

(8)     Summary 

From  a  brief  survey  it  appears  that  a  number  of  the 
Indo-Germanic  languages  at  a  very  early  period  in  their  his- 
tory possessed  the  construction  of  an  accusative  with  infinitive 
in  its  simplest  and  most  limited  form  after  verbs  of  causa- 
tion— a  construction  in  which  accusative  and  infinitive  were 
at  first  separately  dependent  on  the  main  verb.  In  some 
dialects,  such  as  the  Sanskrit,  it  developed  very  little  beyond 

^AU  the  Old  Norse  examples  are  taken  from  Lund's  Oldnordisk  Ordf<pj- 
ningslcere.     The  index  to  the  references  is  to  be  found  pp.  iii-vi  of  his  preface. 

'  Cf.  Falk  and  Torp  :  Norsk-danskens  Syntax,  §  128.  For  the  use  in  Old 
Swedish,  which  scarcely  differs  from  that  of  Old  Norse,  see  Grimberg  :  Arkiv 
for  Nordisk  Fihlogi,  n.  s.,  XVII,  205-235  ;  311-357. 


Of  THE  \ 

.    ERSITY  V 


40 

this  stage,  but  even  Sanskrit,  in  the  classical  period,  illu- 
strates the  use  with  verbs  of  seeing,  and  also  employs  a 
predicate  participle,  equivalent  to  an  infinitive,  after  verbs 
of  mental  action.  In  all  of  the  Sanskrit  examples  the  main 
verb  is  unmistakably  transitive,  and  it  is  this  fact  which  de- 
termines the  case  of  the  substantive  in  our  construction. 

In  Greek  and  Latin,  where  the  developments  were  far 
richer,  the  point  of  departure  in  no  wise  differed  from  that 
of  the  Sanskrit.  Originally  the  construction  was  only  pos- 
sible after  transitive  verbs  which  were  followed  by  an  accu- 
sative case,  but  through  the  operation  of  two  important  forces 
its  use  was  greatly  widened.  In  the  first  place,  a  number 
of  verbs  which  were  commonly  associated  with  the  accusative 
and  infinitive  suffered  a  change  of  meaning  which  involved 
the  loss  of  their  transitive  force,  and  the  effect  of  this  was  to 
dissociate  the  accusative  completely  from  the  main  verb  in 
these  cases.  It  was  now  inevitable  that  the  accusative  should 
be  felt  as  forming  a  strict  union  with  the  infinitive,  and, 
when  the  construction  became  thus  crystallized,  the  way  was 
prepared  for  the  operation  of  the  second  force,  that  of  analogy. 
Having  gained  admittance  after  certain  intransitive  verbs,  it 
naturally  spread  to  others,  and  then  there  was  no  difficulty 
in  applying  it  even  to  impersonal  and  neuter  verbs  whose 
meaning  was  akin  to  those  with  which  the  construction  was 
customary. 

The  usage  in  the  early  Germanic  dialects  represents  a 
stage  intermediate  between  Sanskrit  on  the  one  hand  and 
Greek  and  Latin  on  the  other.  All  Germanic  languages  em- 
ploy the  accusative  with  infinitive  commonly  after  verbs  of 
causation  and  of  sense  perception,  and  quite  frequently  after 
verbs  of  mental  perception.  Gothic,  and,  even  more,  Icelan- 
dic, show  the  locution  likewise  after  verbs  of  declaration, 
where  the  relation  of  the  accusative  to  the  main  verb  is  no 
longer  obvious.  In  the  former,  this  phase  of  the  construc- 
tion has  sometimes  been  unnecessarily  attributed  to  the  in- 


41 

fluence  of  Greek.  In  Old  High  German  there  are  even 
instances  of  the  use  of  the  accusative  with  infinitive  after 
neuter  and  impersonal  verbs  in  documents  where  Latin 
influence  is  not  probable.  But  verbs  so  construed  are 
found  to  admit  a  pure  accusative  also.  It  is  permissi- 
ble, therefore,  to  assert  that  the  use  of  the  accusative 
with  infinitive  in  Germanic  is  conditioned  and  limited 
by  the  dependence  of  the  substantive  on  the  verb  of 
the  main  clause.  Usages  which  violate  this  condition  can, 
as  a  rule,  be  proved  imitations  of  foreign  syntax.  In  such 
surviving  Germanic  languages  as  Danish,  Swedish,  and  Ger- 
man, only  the  faintest  traces  of  the  construction  remain  with 
verbs  of  mental  perception,  and  this  fact,  in  view  of  the 
steady  development  of  the  construction  in  English,  is  of  con- 
siderable interest. 


CHAPTER  III 

The  Accusative  with  Infinitive  in  English 

It  was  stated  at  the  beginning  of  this  essay  that  the  rise 
of  the  accusative  with  infinitive  in  English  has  generally 
been  ascribed  to  the  Latin  influence  which  set  in  strongly  at 
the  beginning  of  the  fifteenth  century.  The  unqualified 
nature  of  this  belief  is  best  represented  by  the  following 
generalizations  found  in  a  recent  dissertation.  "  Pecock's 
extensive  use  of  the  accusative  with  infinitive  after  this  third 
group  of  verbs  [mental  perception]  is  characteristic  of  his 
style.  Krickau  calls  him  the  writer  ^  welcher  mit  der 
Einfiihrung  des  Ace.  mit  dem  Inf.  nach  den  Verben  des 
Sagens  und  Denkens  begonnen  hat.'  And  thus  much  is  cer- 
tain, that  before  Pecock  this  construction  is  very  sporadically 
to  be  found.  Einenkel  (Anglia,  viii,  94  sqq.)  gives  a  few 
examples  from  Chaucer  (after  conferme,  deeme,  holde,  wite) 
and  two  from  0[ld]  E[nglish]  after  weene.  In  Wycliffe's 
sermons  I  have  found :  '  sixe  thingis  tellith  Crist  to  come  in 
his  passioun '  p.  106 ;  *  he  seitJi  Ms  apostlis  to  he  hise  friendis/ 
p.  170.  If  Peacock  may  thus  be  termed  the  introducer  of 
this  kind  of  accusative  with  infinitive,  yet  it  was  a  consider- 
able time  before  the  construction  became  really  incorporated 
in  the  English  language.  According  to  Krickau  (ibid.,  p. 
19)  it  does  not  occur  at  all  in  other  prose  works  of  the 
fifteenth  century  such  as:  Prose  Romaunce  of  Merlin  (about 
1450),  Morte  D'Arthur  (1469),  Caxton's  Recuyell  of  the 
Historyes  of  Troye  (1471),  Golden  Legend  (1483)  ;  and  it 
is  not  until  the  beginning  of  the  sixteenth  century  that  it 
begins  to  reappear.  In  the  Elizabethan  period  the  construc- 
42 


43 

tion  is  used  about  as  commonly  as  in  Present  English."  ^ 
The  following  investigation  is  intended  to  test  the  accuracy 
of  this  statement. 


A.     Verbs  of  Expressed  or  Implied  Causation 

The  commonest  class  of  verbs  with  which  our  construction 
is  found  in  English,  as  well  as  in  other  Indo-Germanic  lan- 
guages, is  that  of  expressed  or  implied  causation. 

(1)      Verbs  of  Causing 
Old  English 

latan ;  he  let  heo  bset  land  buan  Gen. ,  239. 

Ic  on  andwlitan 
nu  ofer  seofon  niht  sigan  Isete 
waellregn  ufan  widre  eor^an  lb. ,  1348. 

Drihten  sende 
regn  from  roderiim,  eac  rume  let 
willebuman  on  woruld  \>ringan 
of  sedra  gehwaere,  egorstreamas 
swea.Tte  swogan  /&.,  1371. 

hie  )>a  fromlice 
leton  forS /eo^ran  flana  scwras  Jttdl.,  220. 

Hwilum  hea]>or6fe  hleapan  leton 

on  ge^it  faranfealwe  mearas  JBeow.,  864. 

Let  se  hearda  Higelaces  |>egn 

brddne  niece  .  .  .  brecan  ofer  bordweal  ift.,  2977. 

liet  nu  of  J>inum  stabole  streamas  weaJlan  Andr,,  1503. 


^Schmidt:  Language  of  Pecock,  119.  Compare  also  Gaertner  {Zur  Sprache 
von  Utopia,  103)  ;  Robinson's  translation  uses  the  accusative  with  infinitive 
after  verbs  of  saying  and  thinking,  "wo  sie  erst  im  15.  Jahrh.  durch  Pecock 
in  ein  Originalwerk  eingefiihrt  wurde  und  dann  bald  eine  weitere  Verbreitung 
fand,  wahrend  der  ace.  c.  inf.  vordem  nur  vereinzelt  und  als  nachahmung  des 
lat.  gesetzt  wurde."     See  also  Krickau,  pastim. 


44 

Leton  >a  ofer  fifelwseg  farnige  serlfSan 

bronte  brim])isan  Elene,  237. 

Since  Old  English  had  no  infinitive  which  was  passive  in 
form,  it  was  obliged,  like  other  Germanic  dialects,  to  employ 
the  active  form  to  express  a  passive  meaning.^  Often,  in- 
deed, it  is  difficult  to  determine  whether  in  a  given  instance 
the  infinitive  is  to  be  construed  as  active  or  passive.  In 
sentences  like  '^  hat  mynster  timbrian "  or  '^  let  liine 
ofslean/'  it  is  perhaps  only  our  modern  analytic  feeling  for 
the  language  which  inclines  us  to  associate  the  substantive 
in  the  accusative  case  immediately  with  the  predicate  verb 
which  precedes  it,  and  to  make  it  the  object  of  that  verb  rather 
than  of  the  infinitive  which  comes  after.  There  are,  how- 
ever, a  number  of  passages,  which  will  be  cited  in  their  proper 
place,  in  which  the  active  form  of  the  infinitive  is  employed 
to  translate  a  Latin  passive,  and  there  are  some  instances  in 
original  texts  in  which  the  interpretation  of  the  infinitive  as 
passive  is  scarcely  to  be  questioned,  e.  g., 

Da  ic  wide  gefrsegn  weorc  gebannan 

manigre  msegi>e  geond  J>isne  middangeard  Beow.^  74. 

ic  ondrsede  gif  sum  dysig  man  );>ds  boc  Ket  o'S'Se  raedan  gehyrS 

^Ifric:  Introd.  to  Gen.,  27. 

The  verbs  which  are  found  to  take  this  construction  in  Old 
English  are  the  same  as  in  the  other  members  of  the  Ger- 
manic branch  :  IcetaUy  hdtan,  hyran,  and  seon, 

laitan  (with  passive  infinitive)  :  ^ 

*"Lange  begriindet  ist  in  unserer  Sprache  nach  den  Verbis  horen  und 
sehen  den  inf.  act.  zugleich  passivisch  zn  gebrauchen  ;  ich  hore  erzdhlen 
(audio  narrari),  ich  sah  ihn  mit  Fiisse  treten  (calcari),  ich  kann  kein  Thier 
schlachten  (mactari)  sehn  ;  .  .  .  Gleich  zweideutig  ist  die  bedeutung  des  Inf. 
hinter  den  Verbis  Idssen  und  heissen  ;  erst  der  Zusammenhang  gibt  zu  erkennen, 
ob  die  active  oder  passive  gemeint  werde.  ..."  Grimm  :  Deutsche  Grammatik, 
IV,  61-63.     See  also  Wilhelm,  36 ;  Wiilfing,  II,  191 ;  Steig :  ZsfdPh. ,  XII,  311. 

^  Of  none  of  the  examples  classed  in  this  way  can  the  positive  assertion  be 
made  that  the  infinitive  is  passive.  I  have  here  included  all  examples  in 
which  the  passive  interpretation  is  probable. 


45 

leton  him  J>a  betweonum  taan  wisian  Andr.f  1099. 

Swa  bits  gumena  gehwam 
se  J>e  oftost  his  unwaerlice 
on  \>as  laenati  tid  lif  bisceawalS, 
l«te"5  hine  beswican  |>urh  swetne  stenc  Whahj  62. 

Swa  swy^Se  nearwelice  he  hit  lett  tii  dspyrian  ))8et .  .  .      ChronidCf  216. 

castelas  he  let  wyreean  lb. ,  220. 

s«m«  he  laet  ]>reagan  mid  heardum  broce,  )»8et  hi  leornigen  J)one 

craeft  ge)>yldelicu  Boethius,  133,  26. 

oiios  duris  agitariy  ut  virtutes  animi .  .  .  confirmant 

gif  hi  letalS  hi  selfe  bebyrgan  on  haligre  stowe 

Gregory :  Dialogues^  341,  36. 
si  in  sacro  loco  sepeliri  st  faciant 

liet  hi  ealle  fordon  -<Elfric,  96,  155. 

ne  l»t  )>u  me  naht  besrmcariy  ne  nSfre  min  gewit  fram  |>e  gehwerfan, 
ne  mln  mcBg\>had  afylan  lb.,  172,  67. 

And  ne  l«t  J>u  me  nsfre  mine  scmle  beswican  lb.,  175,  175. 

don  (active  infinitive)  : 

Oc  se  ilce  Heanri  dide  J>on«  king  to  understandene  Chronide,  257  ;  259. 

dide  him  gyuen  up  t)8et  aSSrice  of  Burch  andfaren  ut  of  lande 

lb.,  262. 

dide  heom  ewmen  Hder  lb.,  266. 

J>on«  eadigan  Mathmm  he  gedyde  gangan  to  J)am  east-dsele 

Blick.  H(m.,  239. 

utan  biddan  aelmihtine  God  "Se  "Se  eardian  de^S  J>a  eadmiodan  in  his 
faeder  huse  Bede,  502,  18.  ^ 

In  Middle  English  the  construction  spread  rapidly  to  all 
verbs  of  causing  and  became  the  regular  syntactical  combina- 
tion after  these  words. 


^  Cited  by  Wiilfing,  II,  184.     The  examples  after  don  here  quoted  are 
exhaustive  for  the  texts  examined. 


46 


let  (passive  infinitive)  ; 

He  let  hym,  >>o  he  was  ded,  burye  at  >.ilke  gate     Kobt.  of  Glouc,  44. 

0>er  radde,  J>at  he  schulde  al  rayd  )>e  kyndome 

late  ys  dogter  spousi  to  an  hey  prince  of  Rome      lb.,  89. 


lete  his  doughtur  be  y  spoused 

A  mychel  tour  longe  &  brade 
In  Jerusalem  he  let  be  made 

But  if  he  let  hit  so  be  hid 


lb.,  note. 

Curs.  Mundi,  7877. 
lb.,  9279. 


do  (active  infinitive)  : 

and  his  up  ariste  do  me  stepen  uwward  in  heie  and  holi  }>eawes 

Horn.,  1,  207. 


forte  don  him  understanden 

he  doS  men  hungren  and  hauen  "Srist 

J>enne  dob  him  pyne  nyhtes  wake 

and  don  hem  monen  his  sinfulhed 
2351 ;  2752  ;  2927  ;  3482. 

don  (passive  infinitive)  : 

And  to  her  ynne  dud  hit  be  bom 

And  dude  her  sackes  to  be  imdone 

Forgyue  me  l>at  I  dud  you  take 
In  to  bondes  wiJ>outen  sake 

I  shal  you  do  aqueynted  to  be 

his  modir  dud  him  for  to  hide 

A  cofur  of  yerdes  dud  she  be  wrougt 

Do  hit  in  \>e  fuyr  be  brint 


lb.,  221 ;  II,  57 ;  145,  etc. 
0.  E.  Misc.,  17,  543. 
lb.,  95,  60. 
Gen.'Ex.,  180. 

Curs.  Mundi,  4856. 
76.,  5004. 

lb.,  5079. 
lb.,  5298. 
lb.,  5609. 
lb.,  5614. 
lb.,  6086. 


And  have  my  trouthe,  but  thou  it  finde  so, 

I  be  thy  bote,  or  that  it  be  ful  longe. 

To  peces  do  me  drawe,  and  sithen  honge  Troilus,  i,  831. 

ffor  thei  seyn  thow  dedist  their  brother  to  be  slain  Merlin,  41. 

and  how  ye  sholde  do  hym  be  brent  lb.,  51. 

comaunde  her  that  she  do  the  childe  to  be  delyuered        lb.,  89. 

do  the  to  be  bore  in  a  lytier  -^^m  92. 

dide  hym  to  be  baptised  ^^-i  112,  etc. 


47 

make  (active  infinitive)  : 
)>ine  licome  >e  hit  )>«  make^  don  Hom.j  i,  21. 

and  makede  arisen  mid  him  alle  \>a  \>et  him  efden  er  ihersumed 

76.,  141 ;  205  ;  267  ;  269. 

he  make's  ]>«  unbilefidle  man  to  leuen       .  lb,,  ii,  11. 

make's  him  toforlese  his  aihte  lb.,  13  ;  29  ;  111 ;  213. 

J)C  blynde  he  makede  loki  and  \>e  dede  aryse         O.  E.  Misc.,  39,  54. 

he  make)>  vs  don  sunnen  lb. ,  72,  7,  etc. 

Alle  men  owe  >at  lord  to  drede 

)>at  made  man  to  haue  mede  Curs.  Mundi,  271. 

slegely  he  made  Adam  to  slept  lb.,  626 ;  808  ;  1865  ;  2517,  etc. 

make  (passive  infinitive)  : 

feirnesse  and  lufsum  neb,  flesch  hwit  under  schrud  makes  mxini 
mx)n  beo  luued  te  ra^er  and  te  mare  Horn.,  i,  269. 

He  made  vs  alle  in  bale  be  brougi  Curs.  Mundi,  614. 

Si}>  he  made  him  alle  ou  t  dryue 

Foule  &  beest  mon  &  wyue  lb.,  1909. 

Alle  speke  of  hir  she  was  so  shene 

And  so  hir  preysed  to  |>e  kynge 

)>at  he  hir  made  to  him  brynge  lb.,  2416. 

J>i8  verrei  knowlechynge  schal  make  men  to  ben  approtied  of  crist 
at  ]>e  day  of  dome  Wyclif,  22. 

ye  knoweth  well  that  he  maketh  hem  to  ben  waisshen  in  a  water 

Merlin,  2. 
make  it  to  be  baptiseth  lb. ,  14. 

The  kynge  made  hem  alle  be  shett  in  a  stronge  house 

Ib.y  29  ;  26  ;  40  ;  57  ;  62  ;  64 ;  68  ;  etc. 

nede  (active  infinitive)  : 

man  him  wile  neden  his  sinnes  toforleten  Horn.,  ii,  75. 

J>ei  neden  prestis  to  figite  &  werre  Wyclif,  99. 

&  nedid  alle  prestis  to  leue  J>e  betre  &  take  the  worse  lif        lb. ,  190. 

nede  (passive  infinitive) : 

&  so  i>ei  neden  hem  to  be  dampnyd  lb.,  57. 

gar  (active  infinitive)  : 

Til  Gregory  gerte  clerkes  to  go  here  and  preche      Piers  PL,  xv,  436. 


48 

gar  (passive  infinitive)  : 
Thyne  absens  gars  thi  sauU  be  shent  Townley,  350,  299. 

(com)move  (active  infinitive) : 
And  many  tymes  haue  moeued  \>e  to  \>inke  on  >ine  ende 

Piers  PL  J  xn,  4. 

and  this  commeveth  me  to  speke  TroiluSf  V,  1783. 

by  the  whiche  he  moued  gretely  his  goodnesfor  toforgyue  hym 

Fisher,  73,  29. 

forsothe  it  sholde  moue  vs  to  haue  pyte  &  compassyon 

lb.,  280,  28 ;  299,  1 ;  344,  31 ;  374,  8 ;  389,  2. 

bring :  Heo  brogte  oure  lord  Jhesu  Ch'ist  to  dye  on  |?e  rode 

Kobt.  of  Glouc,  61. 

bind :  thou  hast  vtterly  bounde  me  by  thy  grace  and  many-folde 
benefytes  to  be  thy  seruaunt.  Fisher,  40,  14. 

cause  (active  infinitive)  : 
cause  we  to  dye  Troiliis,  iii,  1505. 

Yet,  er  that  ye  me  cause  so  to  smerte  lb.,  iv,  1448. 

This  prison  caused  me  natfor  to  crye  C.  T.,  A,  1095. 

I  shall  not  do  nothinge  that  sholde  cause  hym  to  be  angry 

Merlin,  51. 

and  that  sholde  cause  hym  toforyete  a  grete  partie  of  his  sorowe 

lb.,  71. 
cause  (passive  infinitive) : 
be  about  to  cause  synnes  to  be  done  Fisher,  20,  29. 

that  may  so  spedef  uUy  cause  ony  creature  to  be  blyssed        lb. ,  23,  19. 

he  may  cause  the  kynges  pyte  in  his  besynes  to  be  obteyned  and  had 

lb. ,  73,  13. 
99,  7;  102,  16;  133,  6;  155,  36;  398,  1. 

causing  some  of  them  to  be  taken  More,  346  G. 

whiche  els  he  shal  cause  to  be  done  unto  us  himself      lb.,  369  F,  etc. 

cause  them  to  be  so  instructed  andfumisshed  Elyot,  27. 

For  he  caused  the  countrayes  ,  ,  .  tobe  discribed  andpaynted      lb.,  78. 

causinge  them  to  be  taught  that  lerninge  lb.,  168,  etc. 

compel :  ]>at  he  compelle  not  for  his  pride  Hs  suget  ioptUte  bihynde  \>e 
betre  worschipynge  of  god  Wyclif,  33. 


49 

compell  ihevi  by  his  punysshement  to  do  penaunce         Fisher,  40,  35.    • 
compellynge  her  to  crye  lb.,  300,  22  ;  385,  6. 

constrain  :  &  noon  obedience  schulde  constreyne  a  prest  to  wittenesse  a 
falshede  Wyclif,  36. 

a  pore  man  ];>ei  constreynen  to  synne  bi  manas        lb. ,  63. 

hou  schulde  J?an  ony  synful  wrecche  .  .  .  constreyne  men  to  bileue 
\>2it  he  is  heuyd  of  holy  chirche?  certis  J>ei  constreynen  men 
sumtyme  to  bileue  ...  Wyclif,  84  ;  85  ;  etc. 

He  that  hath  done  his  duty  and  constrayned  hymselfe  so  besyly 
and  many  tymes  to  make  satysfaccyon  Fisher,  26,  18. 

draw  :  what  thyng  drawes  hymfor  to  ordayne  his  will  all  at  goddes  will 

Hampole,  i,  21. 

enforce  :  They  enforced  theyr  ennemies  to  stryke  on  lande        Elyot,  180. 

stir :  |>e  fadir  of  lesyngis  )>at  stirede  ]>e  heige  prestis  &  pharisees  in 
cristis  tyme  to  puie  on  hym  &  his  disciplis  .  .  .  Wyclif,  27. 

god  almygtty  stire)>  prestisy  lordis  &  comunes  to  knowe  ypocrisie 

J6.,  140;  176;  189. 

And  that  lyght  of  grace  stereth  .  .  .  thefoules  to  brynge  forth  the 
fruyte  of  good  werkes  Fisher,  37,  27. 

stereth  the  synner  to  do  penaunce  Fisher,  159, 16. 

276,  7  ;  374,  29. 

blind  :  J>e  fend  blyndi)>  ypocritis  to  excuse  hem  by  feyned  contemplatif 
lif  Wyclif,  188. 

(2)     Verbs  of  Advising,  etc. 

In  verbs  of  advising,  teaching,  persuading,  and  the  like, 
the  causative  element  is  sufficiently  prominent,  but  it  is  modi- 
fied by  a  secondary  notion.  In  Old  English  leer  an  and  fcecan 
generally  are  followed  by  a  direct  object  in  the  accusative  case 
and  by  a  clause  in  which  the  substantive  is  repeated,  e.  g,, 

hine  l«rde,  ixBt  he  sceolde  drihten  to  deatJe  belaewan    ^Ifric,  153,  45. 

But  the  briefer  accusative  with  infinitive  construction  is 
sometimes  employed. 

4 


50 

Iseran  :  God  us  Isere'S  wceccan  --Elfric,  168,  404. 

God  us  Isere^ /cEstan  and  selmessan  syllan  earmum  mannum 

76.,  168,  108. 

tiecan  :  tsec  me  J>inne  willan  to  vyyrcenne  Boeth.,  149,  21. 

ac  Crist  sylf  and  his  apostolas  us  tiehton  seg^er  to  healdenne 

-^Ifric :  Pentateuch,  24. 

In  Middle  English,  however,  the  latter  construction  becomes 
the  more  common,  soon  supplanting  the  other  completely. 

leren  :  J>o  \>e  leren  \>efolc  to  understonden  god  noht  mid  weldede  ac 

mid  wise  speche  Horn.,  ii,  93. 

and  leren  elch  man  to  helpen  him  seluen  J>e  hwile  he  mai  lb.,  185. 

•5e  lage  us  \ereS  to  don  god  0.  E.  Misc.,  10,  297. 

And  some  he  lered  to  laboure  Piers  PL,  xix,  231. 

242;  244. 

learn  (passive  infinitive)  : 
I  shalle  be  your  rescowe  and  leme  hym  to  be  ruled  as  a  knyghte 

Malory,  197,  10. 

teach  :  Gif  he  seolf  nule  don  swa  swa  he  heom  techcS  to  donne 

Ham.,  I,  109. 

techen  \>efolke  godes  hesne  to  done  lb.,  139. 

II,  75 ;  119. 

Alle  men  he  tauhte  to  holde  treowe  luue  0.  E.  Misc.,  38,  45. 

And  wisse  us  and  theche 

To  wyten  vs  wy)>  J>an  vnwihte  lb.,  72,  3. 

how  worschipen  t>ei  and  techen  oJ?«rc  to  worchipe        Wyclif,  9. 

wissen  (and  filsten)  : 
wisse)>  ws  to  leden  ure  lif  on  clennesse  H&m.,  ii,  7. 

wisse'5  hem  to  understanden  wat  is  uuel  lb.,  39. 

wisse  and  fulste  uh  swo  tofolgen  his  holi  eor)>liche  procession    Ih.,  93. 

*'Koly  writt,"  quod  J>at  weye,  "wisseth  men  to  suffre^^ 

Piers  PL,  xi,  374. 

wissen  (passive  infinitive)  : 

J>at  wissen  vs  to  be  saued  Piers  PL,  xn,  271. 


51 

kennen  :  if  mon  kennes  yow  horn  to  knowe  Gawaine,  1484. 

Kenne  me  bi  somme  craft  to  knowe  >e  fals  Piers  Pl,^  ii,  4. 

X,  338 ;  XIV,  16. 

reden  :  reade^  us  ant  learetS/oree  geme  lutel  alle  fallinde  |>ing 

Horn.,  I,  255. 
Ic  rede  "Sc  king,  nu  her  bi-foren, 
To  maken  la'Ses  and  gaderen  coren  Gen.-Ex.,  2133. 

Somme  men  redde  Resoun  J>o  <o  haue  reuthe  on  )jat  schrewe 

Piers  PL,  iv,  110  ;  x,  266 ;  xiii,  442. 

I  rede  ye  not  youre  broker  slo  Curs.  Mundi,  4128. 

But,  after  wo,  I  rede  us  to  be  merie  C.  T.,  A,  3068. 

counsel :  Gif  >ei  counseilen  mm  to  be  bysi  a-boute  worldliche 
richessis  .  .  .  and  conseilen  men  more  to  taken  vengaunce 

Wyclif,  16 ;  17. 

Conseilled  caym  to  kullen  his  brother  Piers  PL,  i,  66. 

IX,  195  ;  XV,  337  ;  xix,  195  ;  389. 

advise  :  wherfore  they  aduysed  them  in  no  wyse  to  meue 

Malory,  175,  13. 

alway  I  wolde  aduyse  hym  nat  to  detayne  the  childe  to 

longe  in  that  tedious  labours  Elyot,  55. 

munegen  :  Ihadede  men  he  munegcS  wel  to  lerene  ilewede  men 

Horn.,  I,  131. 

Ah  ure  drihten  j>et  munege'5  us  to  fechten  te-geines  J)et  aide 

neddre  lb.,  155. 

and  muneged  u^  alle  to  ben  warre  ]>arof  76.,  n,  5. 

7;  9;  11;  15;  39;  51;  67;  139;  169;  201;  215. 

De  mire  mune^  us 
mete  to  tilen 

enspiren  :  first  god  enspires  \>am  to  forsake  }>is  worlde      Hampole,  i,  48. 

conforten  :  counforten  hem  to  don  extorcions  .  .  .  and  to  meyntene  false 
causes  Wyclif,  6. 

for  J>ei  conforten  hem  to  figtte  ayenst  cristene  men  in  false  werris 

lb.,  176. 

enclynen  :  that  it  ne  enclynede  som  juge  to  han  pitee  or  corapassioun 

Ch.  Boeth.,  136,  261. 


52 

glosen  :  Ye  shal  eek  seen,  your  fader  shal  yow  glose 

To  been  a  wyf  TroiluSf  iv,  1471. 

(3)     Verbs  of  Allowing  and  Preventing 
Old  English 

Isetan  :  he  let  hine  swa  micles  wealdan  Gen. ,  253, 

>onne  lete  he  his  hine  lange  wealdan  lb. ,  258. 

And  )>u,  Hunfer^,  Iset  ealde  lafe, 
wraetlic  wsegsweord,  widculSTie  man 
heard-ecg  habban  Beow.^  1488. 

IsetatJ  hildehord  her  onbidian  lb.,  397. 

1728  ;  1996  ;  2389  ;  2550 ;  3082  ;  3132. 

l«t  nu  geferan  flotan  useme  .  .  . 

ond  J>onne  gebidan  beornas  \>lne  Aiidr.,  397. 

831 ;  1180  ;  1330. 

ond  f orhwy  se  goda  god  laete  senig  yfel  beon  Boeth. ,  6,  9. 

26,  6  ;  49,  26  ;  49,  29  ;  67,  0  ;  117,  5 ;  123,  26  ;  136,  9. 

leton  eall«s  "Seodscipes  geswineg  J>us  leohtlice  forwurSan      Chron.,  139. 

J>a  lett  he  sum  )>one  herefaren  to  heora  agene  lande        Chron.,  216.^ 

latan  (passive  infinitive)  : 
>a  J>onne  hwse\yre  he  ne  laetej>  na  beon  forholene  sefter  deajie 

Greg.  Dial.,  294,  5. 
quos  taraen  post  mortem  cuius  sanctitati  fuerint  non  patitur  eelari 
he  sette  scole,  &  on  "Ssere  he  let  cnihtas  IBran  Bede,  545,  45.' 

forlaetan :  )>a  hine  halig  god 

ece  upp  forlet  edmonne 
streamum  stlgan  sti'Sferh^  cyning  Gen. ,  1404. 

forleton  eorla  gestreon,  eor^an  healdan 

gold  on  greote  Beow.,  3167. 

]>a  se  beorg  tohlad, 
eor^scrsef  egeslic,  ond  )>8er  in  forlet 
flod  fce'^mian  Andr.,  1587. 

^For  other  examples,  see  Juliana,  200;  622;  Elene,  818;  Brunnan.,  60 
Maldon,  7  ;  108  ;  140  ;  Wiilfing,  II,  184. 
^Wiilfing,  II,  192. 


63 

cS  )>8et  dryhten  forlet  dcegcandelle 


scire  sctnan 

lb.,  835. 

Da  hine  seo  fiemne  forlet 
aefter  ^rsechwile  ]>y8tra  neosan 

Jw/.,553. 

Hio  on  sybbe  forlet  secan  gehwylcne 
agenne  card 
Holy  Rood,  61 ;  Father's  Advice,  74. 

Elene,  598  ;  793. 

he  forlet  his  here  abldan  mid  Scottum 

Chnm.,  5.1 

Middle  English 

After  let  our  construction  is  too  common  to  require  citation 
in  the  later  stages  of  the  language. 

leun  :  leue  me  vnderstonde  >i  dol  and  herteli  tofelen  sum  hwat  of  J>e 
sorhe  Hem.,  i,  285. 

Ure  louerd  ihesu  crist  leue  us  swo  ure  synnen  to  heten 

lb.,  II,  59;  97. 

God  leve  him  werken  as  he  gan  devyse  TroUiis,  in,  56. 

)>olen  :  )>ole  us  to  bi-wepen  ure  sunne  Hcmi.,  i,  71. 

>at  tu  ne  )>oledes  ham  noht  fulli/ainen  of  me  76.,  277. 

ne  nalde  he  nawt  |>olien  )>e  \>eof  forte  breoken  hire  lb.,  245. 

and  ne  J>ole  m«  neauer  nan  o"5er  J>ing  again  )>i  wille  luuie        lb.,  285. 

)>a<  co/d  iren  )>u  holedest  in  J)i  syde 

of  J>e  spere  kene  to  J>in  herte  glyde  0.  E.  Misc.,  140,  45. 

For  elles  he  sal  noght  thole  )>am  lyefe  Pr.  Ckm.^  4352. 

suffer  :  >is  may  be  said  be  all  >a 
\>at  God  suffers /o/ow  vanytese  76.,  1581. 

)>at  God  wald  suffer  ]>e  devel  of  helle, 

Apere  til  hymself  )jat  es  of  myght  mast  lb.,  2275. 

wiJ>outen  childe  ofte  suffre>  he 

mon  &  womman  longe  to  be  Curs.  Mundi,  10325. 

*  For  other  examples,  see  Wiilfing,  II,  185. 


54 

whi  schulde  >ei  suffre  so  grete  cost  of  kechenes  and  gate  housis  and 
wast  chambris  for  lords  and  ladies  and  riche  men,  and  a  frere  to 
haue  a  chambre  for  an  erl  or  duk  Wyclif,  15. 

but  certis  it  is  foul  ypocrisie  J>us  to  suffre  synne  regne 

lb.,  9  ;  14  ;  17  ;  26  ;  30  ;  32  ;  56  ;  etc. 

suffer  (passive  infinitive ) : 

"Loverd,  }>ou  suffers  here,"  says  he, 

^' Be  writen  bitter  syns  oga,ynes  me ^^  Pr.  Con.,  5496. 

suffren  cristene  soulis  be  stranglid  wi)>  woluys  of  helle         Wyclif,  104. 

suffer  never  her  soules  beforlorne 

In  the  brynnyng  fyre  of  hell  Gaw.  &  Bagn.,  840. 

And  wol  nat  suffren  hem,  by  noon  assent, 

Neither  to  been  y-buried  nor  y-brent  C.  T. ,  A,  945. 

that  he  wolde  not  suffer  her  to  be  shamed  here  in  this  worlde 

Merlin,  10. 

the  voide  place  of  the  table,  that  1  suffred  to  be  assaide       lb.,  71. 

why  suffrest  Tne  so  longe  to  be  vexed  with  this  trouble       Fisher,  13,  16. 

neyther  to  suffre  the  shyppe  of  his  chirche  to  be  so  shaken 

lb.,  58,  33;  132,  34;  171,  4;  193,  17;  231,  30; 

379,  15 ;  389,  12,  etc. 

who  shal  nat  suffre,  in  the  childes  presence,  to  be  shewed  any  acte 
or  tache  dishonest,  or  any  wanton  or  undene  worde  to  be  spoken 

Elyot,  29. 

grant :  lord  vs  graunte  to  dwelle  him  wi)>  Ours.  Mundi,  5466. 

Ther  mighty  god  yet  graunte  us  see  that  houre       Troilus,  ii,  588. 

Wherfore  we  beseke  yow  to  graunte  us  to  live         Merlin,  37. 

Graunte  me  good  lorde  my  soide  to  be  replete  with  the 

fatnes  of  charyte  Fisher,  147,  30. 

let  (=  prevent)  : 
Ageyn  vs  shal  he  haue  no  mygt 
Or  at  >e  lest  holde  him  stille 
And  lett  vs  not  to  do  oure  wille 

God  bad  hem  to  wildernes  wende 

Or  philistiens  wolde  wi]?  hem  mete 

And  let  hem  for  to  wende  her  strete  lb.,  6180. 


55 

Gif  J>ei  maken  prelatis  and  lordis  ...  to  lette  prestis 
to  preche  goddis  lawe  and  to  lette  )>e  pepU  to  knowe 
and  to  kepe  >e  comaundementis  of  god  Wyclif,  5. 

Gif  }>ei  letten  curatis  and  pore  prestis  to  techen  men  godis 
lawe  J6.,  9  ;  23 ;  50  ;  57  ;  73 ;  etc. 

but  noon  of  the  clerkes  ne  cowde  se  the  cause  that 

letted  the  werke  to  holde  Merlin,  31. 

he  wold  bren  them  or  any  other  christen  man  that  he 

thought  myght  let  his  opinions  to  goforwarde        Fisher,  345,  5. 

let  (passive  infinitive)  : 
but  >ei  leuen  &  dispisen  }>e  gospel  &  letten  it  to  be  prechid 

Wyclif,  70. 

J>ei  putten  here  owen  cursed  synnes  vpon  trewe  men  to  lette 
goddis  lawe  to  be  knowen  Wyclif,  138. 

But  doubtlesse  neyther  of  these  may  let  vs  to  be  herde 

Fisher,  237,  25. 

warnen  :  And  he  wemede  iSisfolc  ut-gon  Gen. -Ex.,  2966  ;  3000. 

And  na  thing  salle  \>am  warn  ne  lett. 

To  do  )>air  wille  whare-swa  it  es  sett  Pr.  Con.,  7985. 

I  maye  not  wame  peple  to  speke  of  me  what  it  pleaseth  hem 

Malory,  198,  2. 
bireven  :        for  no  wight  may  bireve 
A  man  to  love,  til  that  him  list  to  leve  Troilus,  i,  685. 


(4)      Verbs   of   Commanding 
Old  English 

hatan  :  Metod  engla  heht, 

lifes  brytta  leohtfor^  cuman  Gen.,  121. 

Heht  J>a  lifes  weard 
on  mereflode  middum  weof^an 
hyhtlie  heofontimber  lb.,  144. 

157 ;  345  ;  499 ;  516 ;  525 ;  537  ;  830  ;  864  ;  943  ;  1047  ;  2039  ; 
2504;  2783;  2798;  2867. 

Heht  }>a  ymb  twa  niht  tirfcestne  heeled 

ymbuHcigean  werodes  bearhtme  Exod. ,  63  ;  254. 

het  J>a  his  scealcas  smfan  J>a  hyssas  Dan,,  231 ;  79  ;  431. 


56 

hatetS  hehenglas  hludre  stef ne 

beman  bldwan  ofer  burga  geseotu  Or.  &  Sat.,  601. 

hatatS  hy  upp  dstandan  Orist,  889  ;  294  ;  1025  ;  1342  ;  1375. 

Jjset  he  healreced  hatan  wolde 

medo-aern  micel  wen  ^reiTj/rcean  Beow.,  6S. 

het  hine  mid  \^m  lacum  leode  sw«se 
secean  on  gesyntum,  snude  eft  cuman  lb.,  1868. 

293  ;  1045  ;  1807  ;  2812. 

hatan  (passive  infinitive)  : 
Her  Offa  Myrcena  cining  het  -^"Selbrihte  \>cet  heafod  ofslean 

Chron,,  55. 

He  het  hine  )>a  gehindan  ond  gebringan  on  )>8et  land     jElfric,  104,  153. 

J>a  het  he  \>ysne  biscop  beon  gelaeded  Greg.  Dial.,  194,  17. 

hunc  jussit  deduct 

)>a  het  he  hine  heafde  beceorfan  Bede,  478,  3. 

het  hine  \>a  teon  &  Isedan  to  tSam  deofolgyldum    lb. ,  477,  17. 

ad  simulacros  eum  jussit  pertrahi 

het  "Sam  "Searfan  \>cet  hors  syllan  lb.,  540,  21. 

praecepit  eguum  pauperi  dari 

&  se  cyning  hi  ofslean  het  Bede,  584,  28. 

atque  occidi  jussit.^ 

The  verb  (be)heodan  is  ordinarily  followed  by  a  dative 
case  with  a  clause  or  by  a  dative  with  an  infinitive,  e,  g,, 

Swa  ic  nu  bebeode  beamum  mlnum, 

)>egnum  ))ry'5fullum,  %cRt  hie  "Se  hnaegen  Andr.,  1328. 

beodan  Hdbrahdme  mid  his  eaforum  tw«m 

of  eor^scraefe  Srest  fremman  lb.,  779,' 

But  a  few  times,  probably  by  the  analogy  of  hatan,  this  verb 
also  takes  the  accusative  with  infinitive. 

Nu  ic  bebeode  beacen  cetywan, 

wundor  geweor'^an  on  wera  gemange  Andr.,  729. 

*  For  other  examples,  seeWulfing,  TI,  189,  191. 

^  Hatan,  also,   is  occasionally  found  with  a  dative  and   infinitive,  e.  g.. 
Gen.,  1858,  1865,  2223 ;  Dan.,  126 ;  Metra,  IX,  9. 


57 

o^  Moyses  bebead 
e(yrla8  on  uhttid  aernum  bemum 
folc  somnigean,  frecan  drtsarif 
habban  heora  hlencan,  hycgan  on  ellen, 
beran  beorht  searo,  baecnum  cigean  Exod.f  215. 

het  )>a  &  bebead  hra)>e  men  swingan  &  tintregian  ^one 

godes  andettere  Bede,  477,  42. 

caedi  sanctum  dei  confessorem  a  tortoribus  praecepit  ^ 

bebeodan  (passive  infinitive) : 

"Sa  bebead  se  biscop  iSysne  to  him  laedan  Bede,  615,  1. 

hunc  ergo  adduci  praecipit  Episcopus ' 

Erconbryht  bebead  deofolgyld  beon  towor-pene  Ib.j  531,  2. 

ut  E.  idola  destrui  praecepit 

bebead  ]>oe,t  feoweriiglice  fcRsten  healden  beon  ser  Eastrum      J&.,  531,  10. 

jejunium  Quadraginta  dierum  observari  praecepit.' 

Biddan,  which  in  Old  English  receives  the  same  syntactical 
treatment  as  heheodan,  has  ask,  request  for  its  primary  mean- 
ing, and  will  be  best  considered  with  that  class  of  verbs. 
But  sometimes,  in  late  Old  English,  it  approaches  very 
closely  to  the  idea  of  commanding,  and  in  this  sense  it  is  fol- 
lowed at  least  once  by  the  accusative  with  infinitive. 

ofssende  se  cyng  Godwine  eorl  end  bsed  hinefaran  in  to  Cent  mid 
unfri"5a  to  Dofran  Chron.^  173. 

forbeodan :  and  he  ne  abyh^  na  us,  hset  he  ua  ne  forbeode  ealle 
unrihtwisnyssa  and  yfel  to  donne  .^fric,  9,  212. 

)>c  ^a  halgan  boceras  forbudon  to  secgenne  Ib.f  24,  9. 


Middle  English 

haten :  hehte  hine  swiUe  stille  steolen  vt  of  hirede  &  hehte  hinefaren 
to  J>on  tune  Layamon,  100. 

ah  god  almihtin  \>e  hat  dan  J>in  god  on-gein  his  uuel        Horn.,  i,  15. 

ah  J>enne  )>e  preost  hine  hat  age/en  ))a  ehte  )>on  monne 

t>et  hit  er  ahte  76.,  31 ;  121 ;  229  ;  ii,  201. 


*  For  other  examples,  see  Wiilfing,  II,  182. 
'Wulfing,  II,  179.  Ubid.,  188-189. 


58 

As  his  dragones  fogte  )>us,  \>e  kynge  hette  Merlyn  here, 

Forte  segge,  get  he  cou^e,  wat  \>e  tokonyng  were        Bobt.  Glouc.y  131. 

he  het  men  to  gyue  hem  mede  Curs.  Mundi,  7121. 

Hym,  or  ysaak  myn  ayre  J>e  which  he  higte  me  kulle 

Piers  PL,  xvi,  232. 
haten  (passive  infinitive)  : 
Quik  he  het  his  sone  take, 
And  spoili  him  of  clothes  nake, 
And  beten  him  with  scourges  stronge, 
And  afterward  him  hegghe  an-honge  Seven  Sages,  499.^ 

In  Middle  English  hiddan  and  heodan  were  completely 
leveled  under  the  form  hidden,  and  the  latter  verb  was  fol- 
lowed bj  the  accusative  with  infinitive  much  more  frequently 
than  were  either  of  the  Old  English  verbs.  To  this  extension 
of  the  construction  the  leveling  of  the  accusative  and  dative 
cases  must  have  distinctly  contributed: 

baed  heom  for  heora  wur^scipe 

wreken  hire  teonan  Layamon,  104  ;  115  ;  128  ;  132  ;  etc. 

bed  hine  witen  >one  forwundede  Mon  Horn.,  i,  85. 

)>u  biddes  me  bihalde  hu  J>u  faht  for  me  lb. ,  277  ;  279. 

On  festing  he  bit  ris  us  turnen  Horn.,  ii,  63. 

65 ;  87  ;  139  ;  147  ;  173  ;  211 ;  215. 

he  bit  MS  don  ure  bukes  wille  0.  E.  Misc.,  14,  432. 

43,  227  ;  160,  38 ;  166,  81. 

^o  bad  god  iour^en  stund  and  stede  Oen.-Ex.,  41. 

^0  god  bad  ben  "Se  firmament  lb.,  95. 

120;  137;  163;  787;  979;  1085;  1219;  1269;  1549;  1595; 
2121 ;  2141 ;  2143  ;  2238  ;  2255  ;  2290  ;  2376  ;  etc. 

bid  (passive  infinitive)  : 

Bad  hire  "Sor  wi^  hir  heuod  ben  hid 

He  bad  him  ben  sperd  fast  dun 

And  holden  harde  in  prisun  lb. ,  2039. 

Do  bad  monophis  pharaun 

wimmen  ben  set  in  euerilc  tun  lb.,  2569. 

^Ed.Weher. 


69 

Do  bad  ^is  king  al  opelike, 

In  alle  burges  modilike, 

Euerilc  knape  child  of  ^at  kin 

ben  a-non  don  "Se  flod  wilS-in  /6.,  2583. 

Ghe  bad  it  ben  to  hire  brogt  Ib.y  2605. 

t>at  help  may  avayle  )>e  saules  son 

For  his  sake,  J>at  biddes  it  be  don  Pr.  Con., 

charge  :  Gif  J>ei  chargen  men  more  to  seke  blynde  stockys  or  ymagis 
and  to  offre  to  hem  more  )>an  to  pore  bedrede  men  Wyclif,  7. 

•  J)es  worldly  prelatis  chargen  men  to  speke  not  agenst  here  pride 
and  coueitise  Wyclif,  31  ;  57 ;  112,  etc. 

And  Jeanne  he  charged  chapmen  to  chasten  her  childeren 

Piers  PL,  V,  34. 

This  amorous  quene  chargeth  her  meynee 

The  nettes  dresse  L.  G.  W.,  1189. 

Command  was  often  followed  by  a  dative  with  infinitive 
or  by  a  dative  and  a  clause  in  recollection  of  its  customary 
construction  in  French.  The  expression  commander  a 
quelquun  is  imitated  in  sentences  like  the  following : 

For  God  til  ilk  man  commandes  right 

To  helpe  his  neghebur  after  his  myght  Pr.  Con.,  5862. 

&  J?erfore  crist  comaundid  to  alle  men  \kU  \>d  schvMe  not  bileue 

Wyclif,  29. 

But  the  prevailing  construction,  even  in  the  earliest  docu- 
ments in  which  the  word  occurs,  is  the  accusative  and  in- 
finitive, although  very  often  it  is  impossible  to  distinguish 
this  usage  from  the  former  when  the  dative  is  not  marked  by 
a  preposition. 

\>e  \>ndde  morn  commaundide  he 

A  gederyng  of  J>e  lond  to  be  Curs.  Mundi,  4925. 

Bremely  commaundide  he  and  bad 

Midwyues  to  be  of  ]>at  same  lond  lb.,  5542 ;  11559. 

sij>  he  comaundid  a  man  to  leue  l>e  beriynge  of  his  fadir  and  go 
preche  ]>e  gospel  Wyclif,  31. 

55 ;  57  ;  79  ;  90  ;  111 ;  158,  etc. 


60 

And  Gomanded  a  coristable  J>at  come  atte  furst 

To  ''  attache  )>o  tyrauntz  "  Piers  PL,  ii,  198. 

And  how  \>e  kynge  comaunded  constables  and  seriantz, 
Falsenesse  and  his  felawschip  tofettren  an  to  bynden       lb.,  ii,  206. 
IV,  85 ;  XI,  175 ;  xix,  358 ;  361. 

Comaundeth  me,  how  sore  that  me  smerte, 

To  doom,  al  that  may  lyke  un-to  your  herte  Troilus,  v,  132. 

command  (passive  infinitive ) : 
Putifar  comaundide  sone 
Joseph  for  to  take  and  done 
In  kyngis  prisoun  for  to  ly  Curs.  Mundi,  4417. 

&  in  leuynge  werkis  of  mercy  where  god  comaundi)>  hem  to  be  don 

Wyclif,  176. 
The  duke  comaundeth,  schortly  for  to  seyn, 

His  handes  hym  be-hinde  to  be  bounde  Be  Beg.  Princ.,  2626. 

Thus  Merlyn,  on  the  Witsonday,  chese  fifty  knyghtes,  and 

comaunded  hem  to  be  sette  at  that  table  Merlin,  60. 

When  the  kynge  herde  hem  thus  sey,  he  hadde  grete  merveile, 
and  comaunded  hem  to  be  serued  lb.,  61. 

We  wyll  command  the  gates  to  be  kept  aboute  I^igby?  ^0,  422. 

The  physycyen  also  commaundeth  a  man  to  be  let  blode  by  a 
certayne  mesure  or  quantyte  Fisher,  218,  21. 

statutes  &  ordynaunces  .  .  .  whiehe  by  her  offycers  she  commaunded 
toberedde  76.,  296,  18. 

whan  our  sauyor  commaunded  this  double  trybute  to  be  payed 
for  hymselfe  &  for  Peter  lb.,  318,  24  ;  375,  7. 

he  commaunded  the  bridge  to  be  broken  Elyot,  178. 

say  (=:  command)  :  Sey  him  on  tJin  stede  to  gon  Gen. -Ex.,  4114. 

forbid  :  "Se  lage  us  ler'S  don  god, 
and  forbede-S  us  sinne  0.  E.  Misc.,  10,  297. 

And  pharaon  stirte  up  anon 

And  for-bed  "Sisfole  to  gon  Gen.-Ex.  2932. 

Hem  )>ougte  kynde  him  wolde  forbede 

To  haue  done  so  cursed  a  dede  Curs.  Mundi,  1105. 

Dauid  seide  god  hit  forbede 

>e  to  ]>enke  to  do  )>at  dede  Curs.  Mundi,  7723. 

3203  ;  4372  ;  1956  ;  2830. 


61 

forbid  (passive  infinitive)  : 

his  highnes  by  his  proclamacions  forbode  any  maner  english  bokes 
printed  beyonde  the  sea  to  be  broughte  into  thys  realme,  or 
any  to  be  solde,  prynted  within  this  realme  More,  343  G. 

defend  :  I  deffende  yow  to  speke  ther-of  Merlinj  64. 

forbear  and  prohibit :  no  more  than  it  were  to  forbeare  or  prohibite 
a  man  to  come  into  a  faire  gardein  Elyot,  129. 


(5)      Verbs  of  Requesting 

This  class  is  represented  in  Old  English  bj  hiddan  and  is 
sometimes  found  with  accusative  and  infinitive. 

baed  him  J^raecrofe, 
\>d  rmcas  J>8e8  rsed  aMcgan  Gen.f  2030. 

baedon  bletsian  beam  Israela, 

eall  landesceaft  ecne  drihten  Dan,^  359. 

bsed  hine  dreecan,  hwset  seo  run  bude  I>an.f  542. 

baed  ganganforlS  gode  geferan  Maldon^  170. 

baed  hdligne  helpe  gefremman  Andr.y  1614. 

baed  hine  J>urh  mihta  scyppend, 
gif  he  his  wordcwida  wealdan  meahte, 
spruce  dhebban  Outhlac^  1131. 

baed  him  engla  weard 
geopenigean  uncu'Se  wyrd  Elene,  1101. 

baed  hine  Cristenne  beon  Bede,  475,  24.* 

biddan  (passive  infinitive)  : 
baed  Scs.  Albanus  from  Gode  him  wceter  seaM  beon        Bede,  478,  25.' 

In  Middle  English,  it  has  been  pointed  out,  hiddan  merges 
with  heodan  in  meaning  as  well  as  in  form.  There  are,  how- 
ever, numerous  examples  in  which  the  primary  force  of 
hiddan  is  still  strong. 

And  bad  hire  fader  graunt  hym  J>e  gode  CJordeille        Bobt.  Glouc.,  31. 
»  Wiilfing,  II,  182.  Ubid.,  II,  188. 


62 

And  bed  hire,  for  J>e  loue  of  God,  his  wra»e  hjm  forgeue         lb.,  35. 

beseech  :  \>o  \>\s  castel  gare  was,  Hengist  J>e  king  bisogte 

To  come  to  hys  castol  Bobi.  Glouc,  116. 

bisougte  )>e  knygtes 
Telle  >e  comune  )>at  J>ere  cam  a  compaignye  of  his  apostoles 

Piers  PL,  XIX,  149. 

And  hir  bisoughte  on  thee  to  han  som  routhe        Troilus,  i,  769. 

But  nathelees,  yet  gan  she  him  biseche  .  .  . 
For  to  he  war  of  goosish  peples  speche  lb. ,  iii,  682. 

IV,  725  ;  V,  857. 

pray  :  ^ou  him  preye  sum  word  me  sende  Curs.  Mundi,  1271. 

And  preye  him  to  do  you  bote  lb.,  4734  ;  4943, 

he  preide  \>e  peple  of  his  cite  to  taken  i>e  rentis  agen        Wyclif,  118. 

And  preide  cyuUe  to  se  and  symonye  to  rede  it  Piers  PL,  ii,  70. 

And  preyed  peronelle  her  purfyle  to  lete  Piers  PL,  V,  26. 

VI,  199  ;  202 ;  xiii,  112 ;  xvi,  73. 

It  nedeth  nought  to  preye  him  freend  to  be  Troilus,  ii,  1451. 

pray  him  with  us  dyne  lb. ,  ii,  1458. 

And  after  this,  she  may  him  ones  preye 

To  ben  good  lord  lb.,  Ii,  1657. 

Ill,  124  ;  546  ;  632 ;  718  ;  iv,  294  ;  1384  ;  v,  305,  etc. 

Verbs  such  as  to  will,  desire,  summon  may  be  considered 
as  stronger  verbs  of  requesting,  containing  an  element  of 
command. 

will :  God  hem  andswarede  ^^iosue 

Ic  wile  bm  loder-man  aft^r  «e  "  Gen.-Ex.,  4109. 

I  wool  noon  o>ere  do  outrage  Curs.  Mundi,  1972. 

For  God  wille  m^n  se,  thurgh  swilk  takens  sere, 

How  unstable  J>i8  world  es  here  Pr.  Con.,  1428. 

Monkes  and  monyals  and  alle  men  of  Religioun 

Her  ordre  and  her  reule  wil  to  han  a  certeyne  noumbre 

Piers  PL,  xix,  262. 

Holi  Scripture  wole  a  man  to  loue  al  what  God  wole  him  loue 

Pecock,  114. 


63 

my  fader  of  heuen  will  it  so  be  Townley,  369,  82. 

For  he  sayd  that  all  such  lawes  be  contrary  to  the  gospel, 
which  wil  no  man  to  dye  More,  345  H. 

will  (passive  infinitive)  : 
and  Cryst  will  nathyng  be  done  hot  wele,  &  with-outen  harme 
of  othir  men  Hampole,  i,  40. 

Oure  lawe  he  seide  J>at  we  in  lyue 

Wol  furste  oure  elder  dougter  be  gyue  Curs.  Mundi,  3883. 

God  wolde  haue  men  .  .  .  be  stirid  toward  religioun  Pecock,  523. 

Euery  one  (sayth  he)  that  worketh  wyckednesse  doth  abhorre 
that  lyghte,  because  they  wyll  not  their  myschieues  therby  to  be 
knowne  Leland  :  New  Yearns  Gift,  8. 

desire  :  Whan  the  kynge  herde  hem  desire  Vlfyn  to  be  of  here 
counseile  Merlin^    83. 

He  desyrth  yow,  and  preyyt  on  eche  party, 

tofulfyll  his  comraavndment  and  desyre  Digby,  62,  215. 

I  desyer  \>e  redars  to  be  my  frynd  lb.,  136,  2143. 

the  mother  of  Achilles  desired  Jupiter  importunately  to 

inclyne  his  fauour  to  the  parte  of  the  Troyanes        Elyot,  48. 

desire  (passive  infinitive)  : 
desyre  a  lettre  of  supply cacyon /or  to  be  made  dylygently 

Fisher,  73,  12. 

he  desyred  the  same  to  beperfourmed  lb.,  136,  3. 

Quintilian,  instructyng  an  oratour,  desireth  suche  a  childe  to  be 
giuen  unto  hym  Elyot,  51. 

covet  (passive  infinitive)  : 

he  coueyteth  more  his  mercy  to  be  magnefyed  than  the  power  of 
his  lustyce  Fisher,  230,  20. 

require  :  ye  requeren  me 

To  come  ayein  Troilus,  v,  1600. 

I  requere  yow  sone  to  helpe  myn  hertes  desire  Merlin,  75. 

exhort :  Exhort  tham  to  be  of  gud  chere  Digby,  220, 1492. 

And  therefore  scripture  in  many  places  exhorteth  vs  to  seeke  after 
bim  Fisher,  364,  26. 


64 

exhorted  PtholomeCf  kyng  of  Egipt  ...  to  haurUe  and  embrace 
histories  Elyot,  82. 

exhort  and  call:  whiche  mekenesse  our  prophete  remembrynge, 
calleth  and  exhorteth  euery  creature  to  do  penaunce        Fisher,  38,  15. 

clepan :  clepede  hem  to  shrifte,  ]>at  is  to  reusende  and  to  forleten 
and  to  beten  here  sinnes  Horn.,  ii,  129. 

la|>en :  ]>ere-fore  ure  drihten  ne  la^e^  us  noht  to  beren  swiche  rode 

lb.,  207. 

)>enne  he  hine  la!S&6  to  drinken  more  76.,  213. 


(6)     Verbs  of   Creating,   Choosing,  Appointing,   etc. 

ordain  :  For  oure  lord  had  ordeyncd  yete 
A  ehUde  to  rise  in  his  ospringe  Curs.  Mundi,  1198. 

Alswa  he  ordaynd  man  to  dwelle 

And  to  Ijif  in  erthe,  in  flesshe  and  felle  Pr.  Con.,  81. 

First  what  it  es  to  fele  and  se. 

And  whar  God  has  ordaynd  it  to  be  lb.,  3956. 

J>us  ordaynd  God  \>am  to  serve  man  lb.,  6382. 

J>oug  god  of  his  rigtwisnesse  ordeyne  )>a<  souU  to  abide  )>ere  fourty 
yere  or  mo  Wyclif,  102. 

he  hadde  ordeyned  that  childe  to  haue  his  arte  and  witte       Merlin,  14. 

that  thus  hath  ordeyned  with-outen  ende 

Me  in  his  blisse  euer /or  to  reigne  Digby,  146,  190. 

If  almyghty  god  had  not  ordeyned  the  tyme  of  Antecryste  to  be 
shorte  Fisher,  191,  35. 

for  whome  crystes  chirche  hath  ordeined  specially  this  psalme  to 
besayd  lb.,  209,  6. 

choose  :  chese  yow  soehe  a  man  to  be  youre  kynge  and  lorde 

Merlin,  96. 

here  is  the  man  that  god  hath  chosen  to  be  youre  kynge      76.,  106. 

a  Lorde,  that  thus  hath  appoynted  and  chosen  you  to  bee  his 
creature  Fisher,  369,  30. 

appoint :  hath  appointed  you  to  be  a  Christian  woman,  &  to  be 
partaker  of  all  those  graces  Fisher,  372,  6. 


65 

when  it  should  like  him  to  appojnte  any  of  them  to  come  to  his 
presence  lb.,  375,  11. 

who  appointed  to  them  Saul  to  be  their  kynge  Elyot,  14. 

constitute  :  his  heuenly  ministres,  whom,  as  the  churche  affirmeth, 
he  hath  constituted  to  be  in  diuers  degrees  called  hierarches 

Elyot,  4. 

elect :  dyd  nat  they  by  one  assent  electe  Agamemnon  to  be  their 
emperour  lb.,  16. 

devise  :  And  thenne  hadde  she  me  deuysed  to  be  kyng  in  this  land 
and  soo  to  regne  Malory,  133,  7. 

In  Modern  English  all  verbs  of  express  or  implied  causa- 
tion are  regularly  followed  by  an  accusative  v^ith  infinitive. 
Detailed  illustration  is  unnecessary.  A  partial  enumeration 
of  the  verbs  is  enough  to  indicate  the  v^ide  extent  of  the  locu- 
tion. 

(a)  Verbs  of  pure  causation:  hring,  cause,  compel,  corv- 
strain,  dispose,  drive,  enable,  enforce,  force,  goad,  impel, 
incite,  incline,  disincline,  lead,  oblige,  move,  prompt,  provoke, 
stimulate,  urge. 

(b)  Modified  verbs  of  causation:  advise,  counsel,  em- 
bolden, exhort,  recommend,  teach,  warn. 

(c)  Verbs  of  allowing:  authorise,  allow,  permit;  "he 
would  not  permit  it  to  be  acted  in  his  house,"  Spec,  'No.  6 ; 
suffer :  "  When  men  have  suffered  their  imagination  to  he 
long  affected  with  any  idea,"  Burke. 

(d)  Verbs  of  commanding:  bid:  "for  we  bid  this  be 
done,'*  Meas.  f.  Meas.  I,  iii,  37;  charge,  command,  order: 
"  ordered  his  tongue  to  he  cut  out/'  Spec,  No.  23 ;  enjoin., 
forbid :  "  has  forbidden  any  such  ceremony  to  be  used  in  the 
house,"  Spec,  No.  12. 

(e)  Verbs  of  wishing:  desire,  liTce,  require,  want,  wish: 
"  some  of  which  I  could  wish  entirely  rejected,  and  the  rest  to 
be  used  with  caution,"  Spec,  ^o.  44. 

(/)   Verbs  of  requesting,  persuading,  etc :  adjure,  ash,  beg, 
5 


66 

beseech,  conjure,  entice,  entreat,  importune,  induce,  invite, 
persuade,  prevail  with,  prevail  upon,  request,  solicit, 
(g)  appoint,  choose,  elect,  etc. 

B.     Yeebs  of  Sense  Peeceptioit 

In  discussing  the  construction  of  accusative  with  infinitive 
in  the  Indo-Germanic  languages,  notice  was  taken  of  the 
parallel  locution  in  which  some  predicate  other  than  an  in- 
finitive— an  adjective,  adverb,  participle  or  prepositional 
phrase — is  employed  with  the  accusative.  This  locution, 
which  occurs  most  frequently  after  verbs  of  sense  and  mental 
perception,  is  a  very  important  factor  in  the  development  of 
the  construction  of  accusative  with  infinitive  in  English.  It 
is  obvious  that  there  is  no  essential  syntactical  difference  be- 
tween the  construction  with  the  infinitive  and  with  the  other 
predicate,  and  that  it  is  often  possible  to  employ  the  two 
locutions  interchangeably.-^ 

Old  English 

(ge)seoa  :  dseg  ^resta  geseah  deorc  sceado 
sweart  SMJi'Srian  geond  sidne  grund  Gen.,  133. 

Wende  hine  wra^mSd,  ^ser  he  J?8et  wif  geseah 

on  eor^rice  Euan  stondan  lb. ,  547. 

geseo  ic  him  his  englas  ymhe  hweorfan  lb. ,  669. 

772  ;  1320  ;  1820  ;  2087  ;  2403  ;  2577  ;  2777  ;  2877  ;  2926. 

si^'San  hie  gesawon  of  sulSwegum 

fyrd  Faraonis  fof^  ongangan  Exod.,  155  ;  471. 

^  Grimberg  remarks  that  the  nominal  form  was  the  one  originally  employed 
as  predicate  in  cases  of  this  kind  and  that  the  similar  use  of  the  infinitive 
is  of  later  origin.  The  transition,  he  thinks,  was  supplied  by  those  forms  in 
which  a  participle  was  the  predicate.  When  the  infinitive  to  be  was  joined 
to  this  participle,  the  relation  between  accusative  and  predicate  was  made 
more  definite,  and  the  development  of  this  infinitive  construction  was  assisted, 
moreover,  by  the  analogy  of  the  accusative  with  infinitive  after  verbs  of  caus- 
ing.   Arkiv for  Nordisk  Filologi,  XXI,  226. 


67 

)>a  geseah  ic  \>d  gedriht  in  gedwolan  hweorjan, 

Israhela  cyn  unriht  don, 

wommas  wyrcean  Dan.,  22. 

liwset  se  beam  bude  >e  he  hllcan  geseah         lb.,  545  ;  553  ;  601 ;  726. 

|)8et  hie  sweotoUice  geseon  mihten 

})8ere  wlitegan  byrig  weallas  hllcan  Jud.,  136. 

Sioh  nu  sylfa  >e  geond  )>as  sidan  gesceaft 

swylce  rodores  hrof  rume  geondwlUan  Crist,  59. 

Gesegon  hi  on  heah))U  hldford  stlgan  lb.,  498. 

506  ;  522  ;  554  ;  1249  ;  1292. 

msere  ma»umsweord  manige  gesawon 

beforan  beom  beran  Beow. ,  1023. 

1347  ;  1425  ;  1516  ;  1585  ;  1661 ;  2542  ;  2604  ;  2756  ; 
2767  ;  2822  ;  3038  ;  3128. 

(ge)seon  (passive  infinitive)  : 
)?a,  of  wealle  geseah  weard  Scildinga, 
se  he  holmclifu  healdan  scolde, 
beran  ofer  bolcan  beorhte  randas  Beow.,  229. 

]>uhte  me  \>eet  ic  gesawe  syllicre  treow 

on  lyft  laedan  leohte  bewunden  Holy  Rood,  4. 

)>a  he  geseah  \>one  hldf  of  dune  laetan  Greg.  Dial.,  99,  9. 

cum  quadam  die  submitti  panem  conspiceret 

for^am  he  gesyhj?  hine  sylfne  byman  lb.,  304,  7. 

quia  concremari  se  aspicit 

>y  ma  ^e  hi  geseo^  eac  \>d  mid  heom  blissian  lb.,  311,  12. 

qui  secum  eos  laetari  conspiciunt 

>a  geseah  he  Germanes  sdwle  .  ,  .  fram  aenglum  beon  borne 

lb.,  171,  19;  272,13. 
vidit  Germani  .  .  .  animam  ...  in  coelum/em 
J)Eet  he  gesawe  Pefmwi  bean  borenne  lb.,  319,  17. 

se  etiam  Petrum .  .  .  magno/erri  pondere  religatum  . .  .  vidisse . .  . 
swa  hi  geseo]?  d^ra  yflu  beon  witnode  in  ecnesse  lb. ,  333,  23. 

quanto  in  aeternum  mala  puniri  conspiciunt  ^ 

geseon  (other  predicate)  : 

Geseah  Jja  lifes  weard 
drlge  stowe,  dugoSa  hyrde 
wide  ceteowde  Gen.,  163. 

^  For  other  examples,  see  Wiilfing,  II,  185-186. 


68 


Bare  hie  gesawon 
heora  llchaman 


geseah  unrihte  eof^an  fulle 

side  saelwongas  synnum  gehladene 

widlum  gewemde  lb.,  1292. 

Geseah  J>a  swi'Smod  cyning,  >a  he  his  sefan  ontreowde 

vmndor  on  wite  agangen  Dan.,  269. 

Gesyh'5  sorhcearig  on  his  suna  bure 

ivlnsele  westne,  windge  reste 

reote  berofene  Beouu,  2455. 

sy^'San  we  gesegon  under  swegles  gang 

windas  and  waegas  ond  wceterbrogan 

f orhte  gewordne  for  f rean  egesan  Andr. ,  455. 

hret>er  innan  swearc 
hyge  hreowcearig,  \>ses  )>e  he  his  hldford  geseah 
ellorfusne  Guth.,  1025. 

he  gesawe  \>one  for\>ryccedne  and  gebundenne  raid  mycelre 
byr^ene  and  ofdune  dworpene  in  J>a  sweartestan  stowe 

Greg.  Dial,  339,  18. 

Petrum  .  .  .  deorsum  positum  .  .  .  magno  ferri  pondere 
religatum  ac  depressum  vidisse  confessus  est 

behealdan  :  syllic  aefter  sunnan  setlrade  beheold 
ofer  leodwerum  lige  scinan, 
bymende  beam  Exod.f  109. 

behealdan  (predicate  adjective) : 
\>d  stowe  beheold 
dreama  lease  Gen.j  107. 

sceawian  :   J>onne  \>e  he  sceawaj?  \fd  godan  fremian  and  weaxan  to 
Godes  wuldre  Greg.  Dial,  206,  26. 

(ge)hyran  :  ic  gehyrde  hine  >Ine  died  and  word 
lofian  on  his  leohte  and  ymb  )>in  lif  sprecan  Gen. ,  507. 

Ic  on  J>i8se  byrig  bearhtm  gehyre, 

synnigra  cyrm  swiiSe  hliidne, 

ealogalra  gylp,  yfele  spi-Sce 

werod  under  weallum  habban  lb.,  2406. 

gehyre^  cyning  mafSlan, 
rodera  ryhtend  sprecan  re])e  word  Crist,  797. 


Beow.,  785, 

Beow.,  1345. 

lb., 

1842. 

lb., 

,  2022. 

Jul. 

,  1. 

lb., 

609. 

lb.. 

629. 

69 

hwilum  ic  gehere  helle  scealcas, 

gnornende  cynn  grundas  maenan  Cr.  &  Sat. ,  133. 

)>ara  >e  of  wealle  wop  gehyrdoa 
gryreleo'S  galan  godes  andmcan 
sigeleasne  sang,  sar  wdnigtan 
hellehcefton 

Ic  >8et  londbuend  leode  mine 
seleraedende  secgan  hyrde 

ne  hyrde  ic  snotorlicor 
on  swa  geongum  feore  guman  \>ingian 

])a  ic  Freaware  fieisittende 
nemnan  hyrde 

Hwset !  we  >8et  hyrdon  hceleS  eahtian 
deman  daedhwate,  J>8ette  in  dagum  gelamp 

sil^^an  heo  gehyrde  hcdeS  eahtian 

gehyrde  heo  hearm  galan  helle  deofol 

Nsefre  we  hyrdon  hode^  amigne 

on  J?ysse  >eode  butan  J>ec  nu  l^a 

\>egn  o'Serne  }>yslic  cy'^an 

ymb  swa  dygle  wyrd  Elene,  638. 

Ful  oft  icfrode  menu  fym  gehyrde 

secggian  and  swerian  ymb  sume  wisan  Sol.  &  Sat.,  424. 

Hwset !  we  eac  gehyrdon  be  lohanne 

aeglseawe  menn  se'Selo  reecan  Fat.  Ap.,  23. 

sit>ban  >u  gehyrde  on  hli>es  oran 

galan  geomorne  geac  on  bearwe  Husb.  Mess.,  21. 

Hio  geherdon  stefne  of  heofone  clypion  to  ]>«re  fsemne  Jjus 

iElfric,  178,  296. 

And  me  waes  efne  ]>an  gelicost,  \>e  ic  l>a  eft  gehyrde  minne  hldford 
cegan  lb.,  206,  380.1 

(ge)hyran  (passive  infinitive) ; 
Her  is  gefered  ofer  feorne  weg 
EB^elinga  sum  innan  ceastre, 
ellI>eodigra,  \>one  ic  Andreas 
nemnan  herde  Andr.,  1173. 


1  For  other  examples,  see  Wiilfing,  II,  186-187. 


70 

and  H*  nief  re 
J>urh  ieniges  mannes  mil's  gehyrdon 
haele'Sum  cy'^an  butan  her  nu  )ja  Elene,  659. 

Hwaet !  we  "Scet  hyrdon  J>urh  halige  bee 

haele-Sum  cg^an  Ib.^  670,  853. 

Swelce  hone  mseran  morgensteorran, 

\>e  we  o'Sre  naman  sefensteorra 

nemnan  Hera's  Metra,  iv,  13. 

}>a  muneces  herdon  ^a  horn  bldwen  ^aet  hi  blewen  on  nihtes 

Chron.,  258. 

J>aet  halige  godspell,  J>c  ge  gehyrdon  nu  raedan  ^Ifric,  Q6,  1. 

J)a  saede  he,  hu  he  ]>i8  ongaet,  and  eac  hwylce  word  he  gehyrde 
be  him  spreean  in  gemetinge  J>ara  awyrgedra  gasta 

Greg.,  190,  17.  ^ 

qualiter  hoc  cognovisset,  vel  quae  in  conventu  malignorum 
spiritum  de  eo  audivisset,  indicavit 

gehyran  (predicate  participle)  : 

gehyrde  ];>one  hellescea]>an 
qfersm'^edne  Elene,  957. 

(on)findan  :  funde  )>a  on  bedde  blacne  licgan 
his  goldgifan  gsestes  gesne, 
lifes  belidenne  Jud.,  278. 

fand  l>a  )«er  inne  aejjelinga  gedriht 

swefan  aefter  symble  Beow.,  118. 

se  aet  Heorote  fand 
wceecendne  wer  wiges  bidan  lb.,  12.67. 

o\>  \>!et  he  fseringsifyrgenbeamas 

ofer  harne  stan  hleonian  funde  lb.,  1414  ;  2270  ;  2841 ;  3033. 

\^T  ic  hine  finde  fer^  sta\>elian  Jul. ,  364. 

(on)findan  (other  predicate)  : 
He  })a  geferede  ]>urh  f eondes  craeft 
o^  ^aet  he  Adam  on  eor'Srice, 
godet  handgesceaft  gearone  funde  Gen. ,  453. 

heo  }>ar  J>a  gearwe  funde 
mundbyrd  aet  ]>am  mseran  beodne  Jud.,  2. 


1  For  other  examples,  see  Wiilfing,  II,  189,  192. 


71 


He  J?a  mid  >am  ma^mum  maerne  \>ioden, 
dryhten  sinne  driorigne  fand 
ealdres  cet  ende 

him  seo  wen  gelah, 
sy'S'San  mid  cor^re  carcernes  duru 
eorre  aescberend  opene  fundon, 
onhliden  hamera  geweorc,  hyrdas  deade 

Sume,  )>a  ic  funde 
butan  godes  tacne,  gymelease, 
ungebletsade 

Symle  hy  Gu\>ldc  gearene  fundon 

Hwilum  him  to  honda  hungre  ge)>reatad 
fleag  fugla  cyn,  Jjser  hyfeorhnere 
witude  fundon 


ddlwerigne 


Fonde  l>a  his  mondryhten 


fond  ]>si  hlingendne 
fusne  on  for^sib /rean  unwenne 
g%sthaligne  in  godes  temple 

hy  gesunde  set  ham 
finda'S  toitode  him  wiste  and  blisse 

he  maeg  si^an 
on  his  runcofan  rihtwisnesse 
findan  on  ferh^e  fseste  gekydde 

gemetan  :  Hie  >a  aet  burhgeate  beorn  gemitton 
sylfne  sittan  sunu  Arones 

gif  )>u  \>yslicne  \>egn  gemittest 
wunian  in  wicum 

Hie  ^a  gemetton  modes  gldwne, 
hdligne  hmle,  under  heolstorlocan 
bidan  beadurofne 

o'S  ^aet  he  gemette  be  mearcpa'Se 
standan  strsete  neah  stapul  aerenne 


Beow.,  2788. 

And)'.,  1074. 

Jul.,  490. 
GutL,  885. 


lb.,  980. 

lb.,  1120. 
Riddles,  XLiv,  7. 

Metra,  xxn,  58. 
Gen.,  2426. 
Bi  Manna  Mode,  45. 

Andr.,  143. 
lb.,  1061. 


for^aem  he  hine  gemette  sittan  on  gerenedum  scridwsene 

BoetL,  61,  18. 


t>a  gemette  he  hine  lUtian  in  anum  scraefe 


Greg.,  99,  23. 


and  >a  bro^ru  gecigde  to  him,  ]>e  he  gemette  J>aer  mid  }jam 

scinlacan  fyre  bysmrian  lb.,  124,  9, 


72 

gemetan  (passive  infinitive)  : 

J>a  gemette  heo  hire  hwaete  ealne  heon  neah  gedseledne 

fram  hire  agenum  suna  J>earfendum  mannum  Greg. ,  68,  22. 

cmne  triticum  .  .  .  invenit  a  filio  suo  pauperibus  expensum 

gemetan  (predicate  adjective)  : 
Ic  niefre  \>e, 
)>eoden  leofesta,  Jjyslicne  ier 
gemette  >us  meSne  Guth.,  986. 

gefelan  :  J>a  semninga  gefeldon  hi  an  swyn  yman  hider 
and  t>ider  betwyh  heora  fotum  Greg.,  236,  1.* 

Middle  English 

see  :  hwenne  ho  isegen  Aore  emcmtene  wandrede  ]?oZie.      Horn.,  i.  151. 

\>o  \>e  he  sah  Martha  artd  marie  Magdalene  \>o  two  sustres 

wepen  for  here  bro'Sres  dea'S  lb. ,  ii,  147. 

I,  257  ;  259  ;  261 ;  ii,  115  ;  209. 

Peter  iseyh  )>e  Gywes  vre  louerd  vaste  bynde         0.  E.  Misc.,  43,  211. 

Ye  mowen  iseo  )>«  world  aswynde  lb. ,  94,  39. 

And  slep  and  sag,  an  soSe  drem, 
fro  "Se  er'Se  up  til  heuene  bem, 
A  leddre  stonden,  and  'Sor-on 

Angeles  dun-cumen  and  up-gon  Gen. -Ex.,  1605. 

1911 ;  1951 ;  2773  ;  3872. 

Loverd  when  saw  we  \>e  haf  hunger  or  thrist 

Or  of  any  herber  haf  grete  brist  Pr.  Con.,  6204. 

611 ;  2644  ;  2906  ;  3778  ;  5145,  etc. 

whenne  \>e  baronage  of  egip 

Say  him  haue  suche  worship  Curs.  Mundi,  4627. 

I  seygh  neuere  palmere  with  pike  ne  with  scrippe 

Axen  after  hym  er  til  now  in  >i8  place  Piers  PL,  V,  542. 

J)OW  shalt  see  in  }>i-selue  treuthe  sitte  in  J)ine  herte   lb.,  v,  615. 

Eesoune  I  seighe  sothly  suen  alle  bestes  lb.,  xi,  326. 

VI,  328  ;  X,  362 ;  xv,  219 ;  xvi,  39 ;  xvii,  106,  etc. 

That  knew  this  worldes  transmutacioun. 

As  he  had  seyn  it  chaungen  up  and  doun  C.  T. ,  A,  2839. 

Ne  at  this  tale  I  saugh  no  man  him  greve  lb.,  3859. 

^For  other  examples  aherfindan,  gemetan  and  gefelan,  see  Wiilfing,  II,  187, 
190. 


73 

Whan  he  saugh  so  benigne  a  creature 

Falle  in  disese  and  in  misa venture  lb.,  B,  615 

Troilus,  I,  628  ;  ii,  333  ;  574 ;  iii,  153  ;  L.  G.  W.,  978,  etc. 

see  {-ing  infinitive)  : 
Rebecca  seide  what  man  is  he 
]>at  towarde  vs  comyng  I  se  Curs.  Mundi,  3356. 

On  })at  ladder  say  be  (sic)  boun 

Aungels  clymbynge  vp  &  doun  lb.,  3781. 

yonder  1  se  his  dougter  rachel 

Dryuynge  his  beestes  to  ]>e  wel  76.,  3831. 

1  saugh  cominge  of  lady es  nyntene  L.  G.  W. ,  B,  283. 

My  body  mote  ye  seen,  within  a  whyle, 

Right  in  the  haven  of  Athenes /e^tngre  lb. ,  2551. 

Ther  maistow  seen  coming  with  Palamoun 

Ligurge  him-self  C.  T.,  A,  2128. 

Yet  saugh  I  woodnesse  laughing  in  his  rage  C.  T.,  A,  2011. 

Saw  I  conquest  sittinge  in  greet  honour  Ib.j  2028. 

For  sikirly  I  saugh  him  nat  stiringe  Ih.y  3672. 

see  (passive  infinitive)  : 
To  se  mir*  dere  Children  that  be  so  yong, 
With  these  Caytyves  thus  sodeynly  to  be  slo.yn       Digby,  13,  31. 

To  se  hym  that  regnyd  in  blisse  .  .  . 

Thus  to  be  slayn  in  al  giltlesse  Ib.j  193,  659. 

this  is  a  dooleful  syghte  to  see  the  yonder  knyghte  so  to  be 

entreted  Malory,  146,  1. 

called  hym  coward  knyghte  that  he  wold  for  shame  of  his 

knyghthode  see  a  lady  soo  shamefully  be  taken  aweye    lb.,  296,  18. 

see  (other  predicate)  : 
hwen  |>ai  sehen  me  swa  wok  and  swa  forhuhande  and  buhande 

toward  ham  Horn.,  i,  277. 

t>at  seh  tocleue  his  heorte  wi^  J>e  speres  ord  lb.,  285. 

and  segh  \>os  tweie  brodren  in  J>e  se  on  here  shipe  werpinde 

ut  here  fishnet  lb.,  ii,  175. 

hwanne  ^u  iseye  heouen-king 

Of  )>e  ibore  wi}>-vte  wo  0.  K  Misc.,  51,  495. 

God  sag  his  faste  fair  and  good  Gen.-Ex.,  127. 


74 


^0  pharaun  sag  is  lond  alfre 

Quan  he  segen  ISis  hird  al  cunun 

And  kyng  Cassibel  y  sei  so  muchefolk  y-lorcy 
and  adreynt  of  his  fon,  glad  he  was  )>er  fore 


lb.,  3098. 
lb.,  3222. 


Robt.  Glouc.,  52. 

He  sey  }>e  emperoure^s  ost  ysprad  a  boute  wyde  76.,  55. 

i>o  he  say  ysfelawes  ymor]>red  so  viliche  lb.,  126. 

whenne  ei>er  say  o]pere  naked  Curs.  JMundi,  799. 

For  bi  his  cheer  he  say  him  wroo]>  lb.,  1091. 

>an  may  men  his  liknes  se 

Chaunged,  als  it  had  never  bene  he  Pr.  Con. ,  832. 

>arfor  )>e  world,  \>at  clerkes  sees  |>us  hdde  lb.,  1478. 


For  him  men  demen  hoot  that  men  seen  swete      Troilus,  ii,  153. 

76.,  V,  1599. 


I  have  eek  seyn  with  teres  al  depeynted 
Your  lettre 


Yet  saugh  I  brent  the  shippes  hoppesteres ; 
The  hunte  strangled  with  the  wilde  beres  ; 
The  sowe  freten  the  child  right  in  the  cradel 
The  cook  y -scalded,  for  al  his  longe  ladel 


C.  T.,  A,  2017. 


sceawen :  and  )>er  wi^-inna  he  him  sceawede  gan  on  aid  mon  )>et 
.iiii.  deoflen  ledden  abuten  Horn.,  i,  43. 

behold  :  beholdynge  this  lyght  to  shewt  forth  Fisher,  50,  83. 

beholdeth  the  corrupte  mater  ren  downe  from  his  sores        76.,  141,  17. 

whan  thou  behelde  &  sawe  that  blyssed  lorde  tume  aweye 

his  face  from  the  76.,  143,  24^ 

whan  he  shall  beholde  Eneas folowe  Sibille  in  to  helle       Elyot,  65. 

beholding  me  cZawnce  76.,  226. 

behold  {-ing  infinitive)  : 
whan  we  beholde  a  man  and  a  woman  daunsinge  Elyot,  236. 

to  beholde  a  personage  .  .  .  folowyng  in  his  actis  Elyot,  266. 

behold  (passive  infinitive) ; 

to  beholde  a  personage  .  .  .  to  be  resolued  in  to  all  vices      Elyot,  266. 

behold  (other  predicate) : 

And  som  other  man  beholdeth  his  conscience  defouled  with 
sinnes  Ch.  Boeth.,  188,  338. 


75 

Beholdinge  his  body  thus  tome  &  rente  J^igby,  176,  146. 

Whan  Arthur  beheld  the  ground  so  sore  bebledde         Malory,  ]30,  15. 

beholdeth  hymselfe  forsaken  by  his  owne  defaute  Fisher,  250,  31. 

And  therefore  when  we  behold  the  Image  of  the  Crucifixe 

in  anye  place  set  vp  lb.,  398,  17. 

beholdyng  them  dayly  broken  Elyot,  302. 

espy  :  she  aspyed  an  armed  knyghte  comyng  toward  the  bedde 

Malory,  249,  12. 
they  may  espy  vs  wauer  or  stumble  Fisher,  83,  3. 

perceive  :  whan  Ihesu  perceyued  &  behelde  the  rychefolkes  offre 

many  grete  gyftes  Fisher,  130,  14. 

and  whan  they  perceyue  a  synner  leue  his  synfull  waye 

lb.,  258,  13 ;  266,  10. 
perceyuing  therin  to  be  a  perfecte  measure  Elyot,  224. 

whan  they  perceyue  or  here  any  doctrine  or  vertuouse 

worde  procede  from  any  of  their  companyons  Elyot,  279. 

And  if,  moste  vertuous  prince,  I  may  perceyue  your  hyghnes 
to  be  herewith  pleased  lb.,  cxciii. 

And  finally  perceyuing  hym  to  be  of  a  trew  perfite  faith, 
and  his  desire  to  procede  of  a  feruent  mind  More,  349,  H. 

perceive  i-ing  infinitive)  : 
perceiuinge  the  imprqfitable  weedes  apperynge  Elyot,  248. 

perceive  (other  predicate) ; 
he  perceyueth  hymselfe  deceyued  by  his  dreme  Fisher,  78,  12. 

wherto  he  perceiueth  the  childe  inclined  Elyot,  56. 

hear  :  And  we  iherden  heom  heryen  in  heore  preching 

After  ure  tange  >>en  heoueliche  kyng  0.  E.  Misc.,  56,  671. 

1,  2;  56,  667;  56,  670. 

He  herde  hem  murnen  Gen.-Ex.,  2053. 

As  men  may  here  J>er  clerkes  telle  Pr.  Con.,  983. 

1303  ;  2268  ;  2810  ;  2903  ;  3392  ;  3815  ;  3954  ;  3992,  etc. 

heere  her  gostly  fadris  preche  &  do  after  hem         Wyclif,  159. 

I  have  yherde  hiegh  men  etyng  atte  table, 

Carpen  as  jpei  clerkes  were  of  cryste  and  of  his  migtes 

Piers  PL,  x,  101 ;  Prol.,  189  ;  xv,  521 ;  xx,  229. 


76 

hear  {-ing  infinitive)  : 
Whan  that  she  hereth  any  herde  tale, 
Or  in  the  hegges  any  wight  steringe  Troilus,  III,  1235. 

I  herde  goingt,  up  and  doune, 

Men,  hors,  fioundes,  and  other  thing  JBL  of  Duch. ,  348. 

hear  (passive  infinitive)  : 

But  who  hering  a  man,  whom  he  knoweth  nat,  to  he  called 
a  disar  Elyot,  278. 

hear  (other  predicate)  : 
Si]>en  shul  ye  here  hit  tolde  Curs.  Mundi,  141. 

For  no  man  schulde  here  goddis  lawe  tauwgt         Wyclif,  157. 

I  pray  to  god,  so  yeve  me  sorwe  and  care. 

If  ever,  sith  I  highte  Hogge  of  Ware, 

Herde  I  a  miller  bettre  y-set  a-werk  C.  T.,  A,  4335. 

yf  thou  here  ony  thynge  spoken  Fisher,  80,  30. 

find :  ]>esne  mon  we  f unde  vorbeoden  vre  lawe  0.  E.  Misc. ,  46,  325. 

Ge  schul  bi  ne>e  yet  y  fynde  holwe  stones  tweye. 

And  in  ey)>er  a  dragon  )>er  inne  slepe  faste  Robt.  Glouc,  131. 

Freres  and  faitoures  han  founde  mche  questiouns 

To  plese  with  proude  men  Piers  PL,  x,  71. 

]>ow  shalt  fynde  fortune  \>q  faille  Ib.y  xi,  28. 

fond  Mr  fro  the  mete  aryse  TroUus,  ii,  1462. 

I  fond  him  for  to  haue  don  no  thing  worthi  of  deeth 

Acta  Apos.,  25,  25.* 
find  {-ing  infinitive)  : 
}>ei  fond  loth  sittyng  bi  ]>e  gate  Curs.  Mundi,  2767. 

And  figtynge  fonde  he  iewes  two  lb. ,  5666. 

I  coom  rennonde 
On  mounte  Gelboe  &  fonde 
Saul  lenyng  on  his  spere  lb.,  7804. 

She  fond  hit  ded  liggyng  her  by  Ibid.,  8617. 

And  thou  shalt  finde  its,  if  I  may,  sittinge 

At  som  windowe,  in-to  the  strete  lokinge  Troilus,  ii,  1014. 

And  at  the  laste  her  love  than  hath  she  founde 

Beting  with  his  heles  on  the  grounde  L.  O.  W.,  862. 

^Koch,  Grammar,  II,  114. 


77 

And  so  bifel,  that  in  the  tas  they  founde  .  .  . 

Two  yonge  Jcnighies  ligging  by  and  by  C  T. ,  A,  1009. 

find  (passive  infinitive)  : 

Gef  alle  luj>er  holers  were  y-serued  so. 

Me  schulde  fynde  >e  les  such  spouse  bruche  do       Roht.  Glouc,  26. 

find  (other  predicate)  : 

fint  hit  emti  and  mid  besme  clene  swopen  Horn. ,  ii,  87. 

gef  hie  finde'5  us  slepende  lb.,  193,  201. 

He  smot  on  iSat  flod  wi'S  'Sat  wond, 

Sone  anon  blod  men  al  it  fond  Gen.-Ex.,  2944. 

Ful  soone  he  fonde  hit  ful  grille  Curs.  Mundi,  464. 

Vpon  j>e  watir  \>ere  he  fond 

A  drenched  beest  jperefietond  Ib.y  1885. 

4024  ;  4163 ;  4563  ;  5043  ;  5743  ;  6829  ;  7716. 

And  >o  fonde  I  \>efrere  aferde  andflyttynge  bothe        Piers  PL,  xi,  62. 

meet  (present  participle)  : 

I  met  the  kingis  selcand  a  barne  Toumhy,  149,  275. 

read  (passive  participle)  : 

This  thynge  we  rede  done  in  an  other  parable        Fisher,  264,  26. 

feel :  For  whiche  him  thoughte  he  felte  his  herte  blede      Troilus,  i,  502. 

That  yet  fele  I  myn  herte  for  him  wepe  lb.,  ii,  567. 

But  wel  he  felte  aboute  his  herte  crepe  .  . . 

The  crampe  of  deeth,  to  streyne  him  by  the  herte        16. ,  in,  1069. 
Ill,  1443 ;  1671 ;  v,  17 ;  C.  T.,  A,  1220. 

feel  (infinitive  and  present  participle)  : 

)>at  he  or  scho  >at  es  in  J>i8  degre,  may  als  wele  fele  Ipefyre  of  lufe 
byrnand  in  Jjaire  saule,  als  l>ou  may  fele  ];>ifynger  bym,  if  )>ou 
putt  it  in  >e  fyre  Hampole,  i,  32. 

feel  (other  predicate) : 
Wha-swa  feles  hym  here  gylty  Pr.  Con.,  3374. 

whan  he  felte  hym  self  soo  wounded  Malory,  350,  5. 

reade  it  at  suche  tyraes  as  you  shall  feele  your  selfe  most  heauie 
and  slouthfull  to  doe  any  good  worke  Fisher,  351,  13. 

when  shee  feelt  hyr  selfe  tempted  with  hyr  ghostly  enimy. 

lb.,  414,  32. 


78 


C.  Verbs  Denoting  Mental  Action 

The  dividing  line  between  verbs  of  sense  and  mental  per- 
ception is  not  one  which  can  be  precisely  marked.  It  will 
be  noted  that  in  a  number  of  the  citations  grouped  under 
sense  perception  the  verbs  have  a  derivative  force  which  tends 
to  place  them  in  the  other  class.  The  fact  that  the  same 
verbs  assume  the  two  significations  naturally  involves  the 
extension  of  the  construction  in  vogue  after  the  primary  class 
to  the  derivative  class.  But,  further  than  this,  there  are 
in  Old  English  a  number  of  verbs  which  are  not  associated 
with  any  idea  of  sensation  and  which  admit  after  them  an 
accusative  with  infinitive  of  a  more  developed  type  than 
any  thus  far  noticed. 

Old  English 

gefrignan,  gefrlnan,  gefricgean  :  ^ 
J)a  ic  aldor  gefraegn  Elaraitarna 
fromnefolctoganfyrdgebeodan  Gen.j  1960. 

\>a  ic  nS^an  gefraegn  under  nihtscuwan 
heeled  to  hilde  26.,  2060. 

2242  ;  2482  ;  2540. 

Hwset !  we  feor  ond  neah  gefrigen  habalS 
ofer  middangeard  Moyses  domas, 
wrjeclTco  wordriht  wera  cneorissam, 
in  uprodor  eadigra  gehwam 
sefter  bealusi^e  bote  lifes, 
lifigendra  gehwam  langsumne  raed, 

hseiie'^uva.  secgan^  Exod.,  1. 

98 ;  285. 

^Both  gefrignan  and  {ge)h^ran  {  =  hear  of,  i.   e.,  ham)  take  also  a  pure 
accusative,  even  when  unaccompanied  by  an  infinitive,  e.  g., 

No  ic  on  niht  gefraegn 
under  heofones  hwealf  heardran  feohtan 
ne  on  egstreamun  earmran  mannon        Beow. ,  575. 

Naenigne  ic  under  swegle  selran  hyrde        lb.,  1197. 

^  The  infinitive  here  is  passive  :  '  we  have  heard  the  decrees  of  Moses  to  be 
announced  far  and  near  over  the  mid-earth,'  etc. 


79 


Gefrsegn  ic  Hebreos  eadge  lifgean 
in  Hierusalem  goldhord  dselan 
cyningdSm  habban,  swa  him  gecynde 
57 ;  459  ;  739. 

>a  get  ic  fur'Sor  gehegen  feonda  .  .  . 


Dan.,  1. 


.  .  .  ondetan 
526. 

Cr.&Sat,  225. 

Gefrsegen  ic  ^a  Holofemus 
winhatan  wyrcean  georne  ond  eallum  wundrum 
girwan  up  swsesendo 
246. 

J)rymlic 
Jwd,  7. 

Ne  we  so^lice  swylc  ne  gefrugnan 
in  aerdagum  aefre  gelimpan 

Crist,  78. 

Fela  ic  monna  gefraegn  msegjjum  wealdan 

Widsith,  10. 

Ne  gefrsegn  ic  t>a  maeg\>e  mdran  weorode 
ymb  hyra  sincgyfan  sel  gebaeran 

Beow.,  1011. 

1027 ;  1966  ;  2484  :  2694  ;  2752  ;  2773. 

Ke  gefraegn  ic  nsefre  wur)?licor  set  wera  hilde 

sixtig  sigebeorna  sel  gebseran 

ne  n«fre  swdnas  swetne  medo  sel  forgyldan  Fimisb.,  37. 

Da  ic  lungre  gefraegn  leode  tosomne 

burgwaru  bannan  Andr.,  1093. 

1706. 

Hwaet !  ic  flltan  gefraegn  on  fyrndagum 

tnodgleawe  men  middangeardes  raeswum  Sol.  &  Sat.,  179. 

Ic  on  wincle  gefraegn  weax  ndthwoet 

])indan  ond  \)unian,  hecene  hebban  Biddies,  XLVi  1. 

Ic  gefraegn  for  haele^um  hring  aerendean, 

torhtne  butan  tungan  tila  reordian  lb.,  xlix   1. 

gefrignan,  gefricgean  (other  predicate)  : 
Hwaet !  we  gefrunan  on  fyrndagum 
iwelfe  under  tunglum  tireadige  h(de% 
l)eodne8  )>egnas  Andr.,  I. 

syS^an  hie  gefricgea'5 /rean  useme 

ealdorleasne  Beow.,  3002. 

hyran :  ne  hyrde  ic  guman  a  fyrn 

xnigne  aer  ^fre  bringan 
ofer  sealtne  mere  selran  lare  3fenologium,  101. 


80 


Ne  hyrde  ic  si'5  ne  ser. 
on  egstreame  idese  laedan 
on  merestrsete  maegen  fsegrre  JElene,  240. 

Gif  t>e  t>spt  gelimpe  on  ITfdagum, 

>8et  ^u  gehyre  ymb  J^set  halige  treo 

frode  frignan  ond  geflitu  rxi^an 

be  J'am  sigebeame  Ih.,  441. 

hyran  (passive  infinitive)  : 
Ne  hyrde  ic  cymlicor  ceol  gegyrwan 
hildewaepnum  ond  hea'Sowsedum  Beow. ,  38. 

witan  :  Daer  ic  seomian  wat  \>inne  sigebro^or 
mid  }jam  burgwarum  bendum  fsestne  Andr.,  183. 

Jjser  he  glsedmod  geonge  wiste 

wic  weardian  Jul,  91. 

se  be  his  mondryhten 
life  belidenne  last  weardian 
wiste  wine  leofne  Guth.,  loll. 

hwser  ic  under  swegle  selast  wisse 

goldhrodene  cwen  giefe  bryttian  Widsith,  101. 

Ic  wat  eardfsestne  dnne  standan  Biddies,  L,  1. 

Hyse  cwom  gangan,  }>8er  he  hie  wisse 

stondan  in  winsele  ^6.,  LV,  1. 

Ic  wat  dnfete  ellen  dreogan 

wiht  on  wonge  i6. ,  Lix,  1, 

witan  (other  predicate): 
>a  he  hit  geare  wiste 
synnihte  besecdd,  susle  geinnod^ 
geondfolen  fyre  ond  fiercyle, 
rece  ond  reads  lege  Gen.,  41. 

J>^  he  wiste  handgeweorc  heofoncyninges  lb.,  494. 

wi8te  forworhte  \)d  he  ser  wlite  sealde  lb.,  857. 

1346  ;  2517  ;  2793. 

wiston  him  be  su'^an  Sigelwara  land  Exod. ,  69. 

wiston  drihien 
ecne  u^ipe,  aelmihtigne  Dan.,  IM. 

on  \>dm  drihtenweard  deopne  wisse 

sefan  sidne  ge]>anc  ond  snytro  craeft  lb.,  535. 


81 

wiston  gumena  gemot, 
aB>elinges  He  eor^serne  bi)>eaJU 

Jjses  \>eic\>e  on  \yyssum  hyn^um  wat 

]>e  him  symle  wat 
aef ter  ligi^rsece  lif  edniwe 

wat  his  iuwine 
sejielinga  beam  eor>an  forgiefene 

wiste  J^sem  ahlsecan 
to  ))8em  heahsele  hilde  ge\pinged 

714  ;  764  ;  1306  ;  1863  ;  2409. 

Wat  ic  Matheus  }>urh  mienra  hand 
hrinan  heorudolgum,  heafodmagu 
searonettum  beseted 

witon  hyra  hyht  mid  drihten 
976  ;  1065  ;  1326. 

ond  me  ]pcet  to  worulde  wat  to  helpe 

for^on  ic  hine  goodne  wat 

LVin,  3 ;  cxviii,  14,  21,  164 ;  cxxxi,  18. 

Ne  wat  ic  mec  beworhtne  wuUe  flysum 

Ic  wat  mine  sdnle  ajnnum  forwundod 

cunnan  (predicate  adjective)  : 
ond  ic  \nne  so'Sfcestnysse  sweotule  cunne 

forstandan  (predicate  adjective)  : 
selfe  forstodon 
his  word  onwended  Gen. ,  769. 

afandian :  ic  habbe  afandod  \>e  hibban  gode  geferan        Col.  ad  Puer.^ 


Harr.  of  Hell,  2. 
Body  &  Smd,  156. 

Phoenix,  369. 

Seafarer,  92. 

Beow.,  646. 


Andr.y  941. 
Guth.,  61. 

Psalms,  LI,  7. 
lb.,  Mil,  6;  cv.  1. 

Biddies,  xxxvi,  3. 
Hymns,  i,  3. 

Psalms,  CXVIII,  12. 


ongitan :  bearhtm  ongeaton 

gH^homgalan  Beow.,  14S1. 

)j8et  he  \>one  grundwong  ongitan  meahte, 

wrsete  giondwlltan  lb. ,  2770. 

he  hine  sylfne  ma  ongset  aefweardne  dgyltan  beforan 

his  feeder  eagum  Benedictes  Greg.,  130,  5. 

se  cognovit  etiam  absentem  in  Benedictis  patris  oculis  deliqui^se 


^  Koch  :  Grammar,  II,  112. 

6 


82 

and  eac,  >>8es  ]>e  J>a  wif  siedon,  )«et  hi  on^ton  J'ier  mycele 

mcenigo  in  gdn  J6.,  284,  26. 

atque,  ut  dicebant,  intrantium  multitudinem  scDtiebant 

"Sa  ongeat  he  mid  scearpre  gleawnysse  hwcethugu  ximndurlicre 

halignesse  on  ^sere  stowe  heon  Bede,  533,  42. 

intellexit  aliqwid  sanctitatis  huic  loco  inesse 

gif  "Su  heofonlic  weorud  ongeate  ofer  us  cuman       lb.,  568,  31. 
si  caelestes  supervenire  coetus  cognovisti 

J>one  sylfan  rim  wintra  hine  hcehbende  heon,  oft  he  £er  his 
monnum  foressede  ^set  he  mid  onwrignesse  his  swefnes 
ongeate  Ih.,  621,  23.  * 

quern  se  numerum  annorum/wisse  hahiturum,  ipse  jamdudum 
somnii  revelations  edoctus  suis  praedicere  solebat 

ongitan  (passive  infinitive)  : 

"Sa  ongeat  heo  ge  on  "Sam  swefne  ge  on  hire  modes 

gesyhjje  hire  cetywed  heon  \xEt  heo  geseah  Bede,  596,  6.^ 

intellexit  vel  in  somnio  vel  in  visione  mentis  ostensum 

sibi  esse  quod  viderat 

ongitan  &  oncnawan  ( passive  infinitive)  : 
ge  eac /c/a  o]>era  gescreopa  &  gesynto  ...  he  oncneow  & 

ongeat  heofonlic  him  forgif en  heon  Bede,  592,  22.^ 

sed  &  alia  commoda  &  prospera  caelitus  sibi  fuisse  donata  intellexit 

ongitan  (other  predicate)  : 
He  ongit  si^'San 
2^eZ  ond  unnet  call  J>8et  he  hsefde 
on  his  incofan  ieror  lange  Metra,  xxii,  16. 

frine  me  syH^an 
ond  mine  stige  ongit  gesta^elode  Psalms,  cxxxviii,  20, 

gemunan  :  eac  ic  geman  me  sylfne  secgan  Greg.,  281,  9  ;  283,  1. 

Jam  narrasse  me  memini  (recolo) 

on  minum  sweoran,  in  "Sam  ic  me  gemon  geo  beran,  ^a  ic  geong 
wees,  "Sa  ydlan  byrj^enne  gyldenra  sigla  Bede,  589,  26.^ 


nViilfing,  II,  187. 
Uh.,  190. 
Ub.,  188. 


83 

geacsian :  and  we  geacsodon  his  geceasterwaran  beon  godes  englas 

and  we  geacsodon  Jjsera  engla  geferan  beon  J>a  gaestas  so'Sfaestra  and 

fullfremedra  manna  Wulfstan,  2,  1.^ 

geleornian  :  in  ^am  anum  he  geleomode  moncynne  ingong  openian 
•Sees  heofonlican  lifes  Bede,  620,  39.2 

in   quo   solo    didicerat    generi   humano  patere   vitae    caelestis 
introitum 

geleornian  (passive  infinitive)  : 

worhte  ^a  cyricean,  "Se  he  ier  geara  iu  geleornade  ealde  RSmanisce 

weorce  geworhte  beon  Bede,  498,  31.^ 

ecclesiam  quam  ibi  antiquo  Romanorum  fidelium  opere  factam 
.     fuisse  didicerat 

wenan  :  on  "Ssere  stowe  wynsumnesse  mid  "Sy  ic  unc  wende  ingangende 
beon  Bede,  629,  39.  ^ 

in  cuius  amoenitatem  loci  cum  nos  intraturos  sperarem 

gelyfan  (passive  infinitive)  : 

"Sa  aeriste  he  gelyfde  on  anum  "Ssera  restedaga  beon  gewordene 

Bede,  548,  28.' 


Middle  English 

hear :  Alas  sayd  syr  Launcelot  that  euer  I  shold  lyue  to  here  that 
moost  noble  kyng  that  maad  me  knyght  thus  to  be  ouerseite  wyth  his 
subiecte  in  his  owne  royame  Malory,  852,  14. 

witen  :  And  sone  he  dede  it  eft  agen, 
Al  hoi  and  fer  he  wiste  it  sen  *  Gen.-Ex.,  2811. 

tho  thinges  which  that  purviance  wot  biforn  to  comen 

Ch.  Boeth.,  198,  91. 
Men  wiste  never  womman  han  the  care  Troilus,  v,  20. 

not  with  stonding  that  thei  wisten  these  seid  bokis  not  be  of  Holi 
Scripture  Pecock,  251. 

I  wille  not  wete  my  lady  to  be  in  no  ieopardy       Malory,  120,  30. 


1/6.,  187. 
^76.,  188. 
5 16.,  190. 
*  He  knew  it  to  be. 


84 

witen  {-ing  infinitive)  : 

Eek  right  so,  whan  I  woot  a  thing  coming  Troilus,  iv,  1075. 

witen  ( passive  infinitive)  : 
Ghe  wiste  of  water  it  boren  ben  Gen. -Ex.,  2632. 

witen  (other  predicate)  : 

wiste  hire  drogen  sort  for  "Srist  Gen.-Ex.,  977. 

of  ali  kinde  he  wiste  him  boren  lb. ,  2761. 

Maxencius  ]?o  he  wiste  him  come  Kobt.  Glouc,  86. 

He  says,  *'if  my  fader  or  moder  ware 

In  helle,  and  I  wist  ];>am  \>are  "  Pr.  Con.,  2845. 

And  wist  herfoos  brougt  to  grounde  Curs.  Mundi,  2534^ 

I  wist  not  his  wonyng  here  lb.,  3800. 

Falsenesse  is  faine  of  hire  for  he  wote  hire  riche    Piers  PL ,  ii,  77. 

he  wiste  hym  mostefell  and  hasty  Merlin,  30. 

I  wyste  you  neuer  soo  mysauysed  as  ye  are  now    Malory,  358,  29. 

know  :  And  knew  coueryng  to  com  of  care  Curs.  Mundi,  3478. 

he  Jjat  alpha  con  not  seen 

how  shulde  he  knowe  tayu  to  ben  lb.,  12203. 

Who  knew  euer  any  kyng  such  counsel  to  take      Gaivain,  682. 

men  )>at  knowen  \>e  fredom  of  goddis  ordynaunce  for  prestis  to  be 
\>e  beste  Wyclif,  194. 

whanne  that  god  knoweth  anything  to  be  Ch.  JBoeth.,  204,  176. 

whan  that  god  knoweth  any  thing  to  bityde  lb.,  204,  179. 

he  knoweth  it  to  be  lb.,  204,  208. 

he  knowith  me  admytte  and  allowe  the  writingis  of  Doctouris 

Pecock,  71. 
This  childe  is  right  wise  that  knewe  this  to  ben  here 

Merlin,  37. 
know  (passive  infinitive)  : 

he  knoweth  and  vnderstandeth  hymselfe  to  be  delyu£red 

Fisher,  111,  22. 
know  (other  predicate) : 

J>ts  wommon  was  J^e  furst  man  knew 

Martirid  for  loue  of  crist  iesu  Curs.  Mundi,  8923^ 


85 


hir  qyeyni  abouen  the  kne 
Tmked  the  knightes  knewe 


Sir  Tristrem,  n,  103. 


"  Madame,"  quod  he,  *'  hit  is  so  long  agoon 

That  I  yow  knew  so  charitable  and  trewe^'  L.  G.  TT.,  A,  433. 

>e  iewes  knewe  hemseluen 

Gultier  as  afor  god  Piers  PL,  xu,  80. 

wenen  :  For  whenne  J>ou  wenest  hit  trewest  to  be  Curs.  Mundi,  59. 

<&  wayned  horn  to  wynne  be  worchip  >er-of  Gawaine,  984. 


And  who-so  sayth,  or  weneth  it  be 
A  jape  or  elles  a  nycetee 

he,  that  thou  wenest  be  glorious  and  renomed 
181,  14 ;  188,  251  ;  189,  405 ;  195,  111. 

that  is  goddes  myght, 
Which  wham  men  wene  most  upryght 
To  stonde,  schal  hem  overcaste 

Thei  wene  it  be  a  Paradys 

T.his  ij^  opinioun  thei  wenen  to  be  groundid 
129  ;  149  ;  151. 

wenen  (other  predicate)  : 
weneth  him-selven  nedy 

why  thou  sholdest  wene  thyself  a  torecche 
144,  83  ;  149,  99. 


Ch.  B.  B.,  11. 


Conf.  Am.,  Prol.,  655. 
lb.,  I,  502. 
Pecock,  6. 

Ch.  Boeth.,  143a25. 
lb.,  144,  85. 


He  weneth  no  knyght  so  good  as  he 
but  he  shall  wene  it  be  the  Duke 


Malory,  202,  10. 
Merlin,  76. 
menen  :  Bot  mon  most  I  algate  mynn  hym  to  bene    Gawaine,  141. 


but  if  thei  meeneden  hem  in  that  that  thei  weren 
preestis /or/o  be  ouerers  to  hem  to  whom  thei 
weren  preestis  Pecock,  425. 


trowen  :  This  I  trowe  be  treuthe 
trowe  it  be  trewe 


Piers  PL,  i,  143. 
Pecock,  50. 


thou  trowist  Artur  and  lulius  Cesar  and  Hector  to  be 

quyk  in  thi  clooth  lb.,  151. 

trowid  no  thing  be  better  and  mygtier  and  vertuoser 

than  eche  of  these  spiritis  to  be  lb.,  244  ;  153. 


86 

trowen  (passive  infinitive)  : 
as  the  seide  hethen  men  trowiden  the  seid  ymagis  to  haue 
be  quyke  continueli  with  the  seid  spiritis  whom  thei 
trowiden  to  haue  be  Goddis,  therfore  tho  hethen  men 
trowiden  tho  ymagis  to  haue  alwey  herd  .  .  .  and  haue 
seen  76.,  246. 

think :  holy  faders  thynke  all  synners  to  be  vnder 

the  power  of  an  euyl  spyryte  Fisher,  71,  7. 

suche  as  thynke  themsdfe  to  haue  deserued  more  than  other 

76.,  264,  18. 

they  bee  fewe  or  none  that  I  can  thynke  to  bee  auayleable 

76.,  359,  23. 

they  think  that  to  be  very  seruice  of  God  More,  359  C. 

think  (other  predicate)  : 

J>enche  gie  cbIc  word  of  him  swete  Horn. ,  i,  217. 

J>e  ne  wilen  noht  here  sinnes  forleten  ac  )>inche"5  hem  swete 

lb.,  II,  83. 
J)enche'5  \ns  mannes  wUe  boht  mid  \>e  almesse         76.,  ii,  157. 

As  moyses  on  fer  t>ougt 

J>e  tre  brennyng  &  brent  nougt  Curs.  Mundl,  5751. 

J)ai  J>ynk  \>am'self  vylest  Hampole,  i,  17. 

Haly  men  thoght  )>is  lyf  hot  wast  Pr.  Con. ,  2184. 

3998;  4915 

Jjei  J>enken  it  ynowg  to  kepe  here  owene  fyndyngis 

Wycliff,  77. 
Ye  xall  nat  thynk  your  many  spent  in  wast  Digby,  73,  487. 

ihjnkyng  my-selff  crealur*  most  veyne  lb.,  146,  195. 

he  thoght  hymself  as  worthi  as  hym  that  hym  made 

Townley,  23,  19. 

And  we  thoght  it  well  wroght  lb.,  286,  237. 

I  thought  710  man  my  pere  ne  to  me  semblable        Malory,  177,  20. 
I  wold  thynke  my  selfe  good  ynough  for  them  all  76.,  234,  36. 
bothe  they  thoughte  it  a  passynge  fayre  swerd       lb.,  289,  28. 
euery  man  thynketh  his  owne  lady  fayresi  lb.,  358,  20  ;  25. 

judge  :  And  J?oug  Justices  iugge  hir  to  be  ioigned  with  fals 

Piers  PL,  ii,  136. 
iuge  and  diffame  ful  scherpli  weelnyg  aUe  Cristene 

to  be  ydolatrers  Pecock,  149. 


87 

they  iudge  sicete  to  be  sowre  &  sowre  to  be  swete  .  .  . 
and  that  they  iudge  to  be  the  lawe  of  God  which 
is  but  a  fals  imaginacion  More,  359  B-C. 

judge  (other  predicate)  : 

Sitthen  luwes  ]>at  we  iugge  ludasfelawes  Piers  PI.,  ix,  84. 

Ne  I  may  nat,  for  swiche  honours,  jugen  hem  worthy 

of  reverence  Ch.  Boeth.,  158,  32. 

deem  :  How  many  men,  trowest  thou,  wolden  demen 

hem-self  to  ben  almost  in  hevene  Ch.  Boeth.,  145,  116. 

And  demed  himself  ben  lyk  a  cokewold  C.  T.,  A,  3226. 

deem  (passive  infinitive)  : 
And  thilke  thing  that  any  wight  demeth  to  ben  desired 

Ch.  Boeth.,  194al8. 
what  resoun  deemeth  to  be  doon  for  God  Pecock,  223. 

deem  (other  predicate)  : 
demed  hire  unmihti  onont  hire  seoluen  to  etstonden  wi^  his 

Horn.,  I,  255. 
Nu  is  riht  >enne  )>at  we  demen  tis  seal/  eauer  unmihtie 
to  werien  76.,  257. 

we  demen  us  seolf  e^diche  ant  lake  lb, 

for  >enne  deme^  he  its  miichc  towr'S  lb. 

Ne  deme  ^e  nogt  tuurISi  0,  E.  Misc.,  6,  186. 

Also  men  demen  it  a  grete  chariie  to  saue  .  .  .       Wyclif,  58. 

>)es  prelatis  demen  heresie  alle  Jjat  is  agenst  here 

lykyng  lb.,  85. 

that  I  deme  and  hold  unworthy  Ch.  Boeth.,  158,  34. 

the  whiche  wikked  shrewes  wolde  I  demen  aldermost 
unsely  and  caitifs  lb.,  181,  55  ;  177,  171 ;  182,  118 ;  187,  208. 

Wol  deme  it  love  offreendship  in  his  minde  Troilus,  ii,  371. 

For  him  men  deemen  hoot  that  men  seen  swete    lb.,  ii,  1533. 

I  trowe  men  wolde  deme  it  nedigence  C.  T,,  A,  1881. 

hold  :  I  holde  hit  be  a  sikenesse 
That  I  have  suffred  this  eight  yere  Bh  of  Duchess,  36. 

no  Cristen  man  holdith  or  trowith  eny  godli  vertu  to  be 

in  eny  ymage  Pecock,  153. 


88 

hold  (other  predicate)  : 
hald  hinne  >enne  swUche  mon  I^e  beo  bute  lage      Horn.,  i,  17. 

Whar-for  I  hald  a  man  noght  mtty  Pr.  Con.,  588, 

He  prayses  aid  men  and  haldes  J>awi  toyse  lb.,  794. 

And  worlisshe  riches,  how-swa  l>ai  come, 
I  hald  noght  elles  bot  filth  andfantome  lb.,  1196. 

1094  ;  1349  ;  1528  ;  1609  ;  1920  ;  4298. 

And  al  holicherche  holdeth  hem  bothe  ydampned 

Piers  PL,  x,  386. 
J>at  folke  helden  me  afole  lb.,  xv,  10. 

haldes  J>am  wretchedest,  leste,  &  lawest  Hampole,  i,  17. 

holden  hem  goode  cristen  m£n  Wyclif ,  25 ;  86. 

Wemay,  man,  I  hold  the  mad  Tmvnley,  13,  148. 

account :  which  name  they  accounte  to  be  of  so 

base  estymation  Elyot,  99. 

wherin  they  accounted  to  be  the  truest  and  most 

certayne  meditation  of  warres  lb.,  188. 

(ac) count  (other  predicate)  : 
As  to  )>e  clergye  of  cryst  counted  it  but  a  trufie    Piers  PL,  xii,  140. 

I  cownte  us  shent  Townley,  319,  435, 

I  compte  me  neuer  the  wers  hnyght  for  a  falle  of  sir 

Bleoberys  Malory,  342,  12. 

thenne  I  accompte  her  trauaille  but  loste  lb.,  234,  34. 

And  connynge  .  .  .  they  reiecte,  and  accounte  unworthy 
to  be  in  their  children  Elyot,  112. 

consider :  more  than  y  se  men  considere  it  so  to  come 

Pecock,  474. 
consider  (predicate  noun)  : 
ye  al  this  considerd  a  meetly  thyng  for  vs  to  desyre 

Fisher,  306,  20. 
let  (= consider,  with  predicate  adjective)  : 

and  for  J>ese  )>re  ))ing  let  hit  unleflich  and  ne  lefde  hit 

noht  Horn.  Ii,  125. 

have  (predicate  noun)  : 
for  alweyes  ye  wold  haue  me  a  coward  Malory,  221,  21. 


89 

reckon  :  rekeneth  all  other  that  folowe  not  theyr 

opinions  to  be  deuyded  from  the  chyrche  Fisher,  343,  3. 

I  rekoned  my  selfe  to  be  in  most  healthe  lb.,  362,  18. 

reckon  (other  predicate)  : 

reken  myself  unable  ....  More,  351  A. 

I  recken  myself  of  duetye  depely  bounden  lb. ,  352  A. 

repute  :  reputeth  all  iheym  that  folowe  not  his  doctryne 

to  be  deuyded  from  the  chirche  catholyke        Fisher,  342,  30. 

they  dyd  repute  themeself  &  theyr  adherentes  only 
to  be  of  the  chirche  catholyke  Fisher,  343,  1. 

reputing  all  that  hisfiers  demeanure  to  be,  (as  it 

were) ,  a  diuine  maiestie  Elyot,  40. 

repute  (predicate  noun)  : 
Who  wyll  nat  repute  it  a  thinge  vayne  and 
scornefull  Elyot,  266. 

suppose  :  supposyng  by  here  seyd  sute  hem  to 

haue  taken  of  the  seyd  William.  .  .  .  Paston,  i,  18. 

they  which  do  suppose  it  so  to  be  called  Elyot,  2. 

one  supposed /eZi'aVe  to  be  onely  in  lechery  lb.,  24. 

some  suppose  it  to  be  fury  and  hastines  lb.,  37. 

49  ;  116  ;  124  ;  237  ;  273  ;  278. 

presuppose  :  Who  euer  in  his  speche  .  .  .  presupposith  the  same 
gouemaunce  to  be  knowen  bifore  his  same  speche  and  to  be  knowen 
eer  he  so  ther  of  spekith  Pecock,  23. 

take :  Wherfore  alle  the  men  in  thilk  while  taken  a  creature  to 
be  her  God  Pecock,  199. 

tell  (=  reckon,  with  other  predicate)  : 
Swo  ben  alle  oregel  men  )>e  telle^  hem  selu^n  heige 

Hom.,  II,  37. 
Certanly  I  tell  us  shent  Tovmley,  319,  446. 

comprehend  :  as  science  comprehendeth  it  to  be    Ch.  Boeth.,  195,  130. 

conceive  :  and  no  man  conceyue  me  in  contrarie  wise 

tofeele  Pecock,  90. 

imagine  :  ymagine  thisfreend  be  present  to  us        76.,  269. 


90 
tergates,  that  they  imagined  tofcdle  from  heuen    Elyot,  223. 

understand  :  which  wordis  many  men  vndirstonden 
Crist  to  haue  seid  and  meened  of  the  sect  of 
Pharisees  Pecock,  629. 

they  wepte  to  see  and  vnderstande  soo  yonge  a 

knyght  to  leoparde  hym  self  for  their  ryghte     Malory,  281,  17, 

leven  (=  believe,  with  predicate  participle)  : 
I  dred  nougt  >at  so  sore 
As  when  I  lened  and  leued  it  lost  Piers  PL,  xiii,  38. 

believe  :  whi  and  wherto  schulden  we  bileeue 
his  seiyng  to  be  trewe 

he  beleued  them  to  be  goddes  frendes 

they  beleued  it  to  be  trewe  lb.,  349  H. 

feynen  :  He  sal  feyn  hym  to  ryse  fra  dede  Pr.  Con.,  4304. 

Gif  l>ei  feynen  hem  to  be  men  of  abstynence  Wyclif,  13. 
feynen  (other  predicate)  : 

He  sal  feyn  him  ded  til  mens  syght  Pr.  Con.,  4302. 

Gif  >ei  feynen  hem  sotil  of  fisik  and  knowynge 
of  wymmenys  complexcion  Wyclif,  10  ;  11  ;  172. 

feyned  hem  blynde  Piers  PL,  vi,  123. 

But  )>o  J>at  feynen  hem  folis  Piers  PL,  x,  38. 

I  will  to-morowe  go  to  an  Abbey,  and  feyne  me 
stronge  sike  Merlin,  52. 

pretend  :  pretending  hem  to  hue  the  lawe  of  God    Pecock,  462. 

record  :  as  ech  wijs  man  can  it  recorde  to  be 

trewe  lb.,  249. 

remember  :  whan  we  remembre  our  selfe  to  be 

tempted  Fisher,  79,  22. 

forget :  having  forgotten  that  coppy  to  remuyne  in 

my  hand  More,  1426. 

savor  :  all  true  christen  nacions  haue  sauored 

always  those  meatis  to  be  good  and  holsome        More,  359  H. 


91 


trust :  he  trusteth  to  god  or  euer  he  come  to  the 
courte  ageyne  to  be  of  as  grete  noblesse  as 
euer  were  ye  bothe  and  mo  men  to  speke  of  his 
noblesse  than  euer  they  did  yow 

shall  not  I  trust  one  time  or  other  lacke  to 

suffyse 

dread  :  he  dred  hym  self  to  be  shamed 

fear  :  ferynge  the  vengeaunce  of  god  to  fall  upon 
them 


Malory,  590,  33. 

More,  356  C. 
Malory,  218,  5. 

Fisher,  107,  17. 


promise  :  He  promysed  also  at  his  ascencyon  the 

holy  ghost  to  come  Fisher,  108,  25. 

deserve  ;  Such  a  dunt  as  >u  hatz  dalt  disserued  >u 
habbez 
To  be  gederly  golden  on  nw  geres  morn  Gawaine,  452. 


Modern  English 


believe  :  but  I  cannot 

Believe  this  crack  to  be  in  my  dread  mistress 

whom  I  believe  to  be  most  strait  in  virtue 

Believing  you  to  be  an  universal  encourager  of 
liberal  arts  and  sciences 


W.  T.,  I,  ii,  322. 
Meas.f.  Meas.,  II,  i,  9. 

Spec,  No.  54. 


No  complaisance  to  our  court,  or  to  our  age, 
can  make  me  believe  nature  to  be  so  changed      Burke,  357. 

We  must  be  tainted  with  a  malignity  truly 
diabolical,  to  believe  all  the  world  to  be 
equally  wicked  and  corrupt  26.,  378. 

The  necessary  appoach  to  our  use  of  the 
salvation  offered  by  the  Christian  religion 
is  to  believe  the  story  of  Adam's/aM  to  be 
historical 


his  disciples  believed  him  to  have  risen 
13;  175; 


Arnold,  xvii. 
lb.,  XXXIX. 


believe  (other  predicate  )  : 

we  did  not  believe  the  reportei^s  of  Jesus  capable, 

in  either  case,  of  rendering  Jesus  perfectly      Arnold,  153. 


92 


conceive  :  and  of  the  same  do  some  conceive  our 

father  Adam  to  have  been  Browne,  20. 

whom  many  conceive  to  have  borrowed  his  description 
from  More  lb.,  385. 

34;  387;  445;  472. 

conceive  (-ing  infinitive) : 

This  sort  of  incident^  again,  it  is  as  natural  to  conceive 
repeating  itself  Arnold,  48. 

101  ;  252  ;  274. 

conceive  (other  predicate)  : 
conceiving  the  heavens  an  animated  body  Browne,  19. 

58  ;  63  ;  72  ;  84  ;  457  ;  481 ;  493. 

I  conceive  them  very  sufficient  to  account  for  all  the 

phenomena  Burke,  186. 

consider :  I  did  not  consider  things  from  books  to  be 

of  so  much  good  to  me  Arnold,  169. 

consider  (other  predicate)  : 
since  the  jurisprudence  of  this  country  does  not 
consider  any  person  incompetent  to  manage  his 
own  affairs  Bagehot,  65. 

170. 

although  we  did  not  consider  the  ordinances  of 
society  binding  Arnold,  133. 

esteem  :  since  we  esteem  this  opinion  to  have  some 

ground  in  nature  Browne,  62. 

esteem  (predicate  adjective)  : 
that  which  both  esteemed  affixed  arid  certain  lb.,  66. 

fancy  :  might  fancy  sailors  to  be  Bagehot,  233. 

fancy  ...  a  seafaring  village  to  be  like  that  lb. ,  233. 

fancy  {-ing  infinitive)  : 
I  have  often  fancied  one  of  our  old  kings  standing 
in  person,  where  he  is  represented  in  effigy, 
and  looking  down  upon  .  .  .  Spec,  No.  69. 

fancy  (other  predicate)  : 
fancies  himself  out  of  the  world  lb.,  15. 

25 ;  63. 


93 

We  fancy  his  mind  placed  in  the  light  of  thought 

Bagehot,  84. 

guess  :  These  I  guess  to  be  a  party  of  puns  Spec.^  63. 

hold  :  the  greater  file  of  the  subject  held  the  duke 

to  be  wise  Meas.f.  Meas.y  III,  ii,  144. 

some  hold  it  to  be  seven  heads  Burke,  139. 

hold  (predicate  noun)  : 
And  Valentine  I'll  hold  an  enemy  Two  Gent.f  II,  vi,  29. 

imagine  :  as  I  imagine  it  to  be  in  all  respects 

the  opposite  Burke,  160. 

Ugliness  I  imagine  likewise  to  be  consistent 
enough  with  an  idea  of  the  sublime  lb.,  160. 

men  imagine  it  to  be  adequate  Arnold,  xxxviil. 

who  imagines  Moses  or  Isaiah  or  David  or  Paul 
or  Peter  or  John  to  have  written  Bible-books  which 
they  did  not  write  lb. ,  12. 

34  ;  78  ;  137  ;  263. 

imagine  (-ing  infinitive)  : 
everything  about  which  he  can  imagine  there  being 

the  sm.allest  doubt  Arnold,  67. 

210  ;  273  ;  332. 

imagine  (other  predicate)  : 
you  imagine  me  too  unhurtful  an  opposite        Meas.f.  Meas.,  Ill,  ii,  175. 

*'A  great  poet,'^  he  says,  **  I  should  not  have 
imagined  myself"  Bagehot,  55. 

judge  (other  predicate) : 

If  your  honor  judge  it  meet  Lear,  I,  ii,  297. 

Haply  when  they  have  judged  me  fast  asleep        Two  Gerii.,  Ill,  i,  25. 

a  stranger  to  the  cause  of  the  appearance,  would 

rather  judge  us  under  some  consternation  Burke,  84. 

presume  (predicate  adverb)  : 
presuming  therein  some  cordial  relation  Browne,  8. 

reckon  :  whereof  I  reckon 

The  casting  forth  to  crows  thy  baby  daughter 

To  be  or  none  or  little  W.  T.,  Ill,  ii,  191. 


94 


repute  (predicate  adjective)  : 
That  all  in  England  did  repute  him  dead  I  Hen.  IV,  V,  i,  54. 

suppose  :  by  supposing  humour  to  be  a  person         Spec,  35. 

Supposing  you  to  be  a  person  of  general  knowlege    lb.,  41. 

Suppose  one  who  had  so  vitiated  his  palate  .  .  .  io 

be  presented  with  a  bolus  of  squills  Burke,  68. 

73  ;  83  ;  85  ;  96  ;  144  ;  194  ; 

We  suppose  therefore  the  reader  of  Literature  and 

Dogma  to  admit  the  idea  Arnold,  136. 

15 ;  126  ;  150  ;  153  ;  181 ;  227 ;  254  ;  273  ;  338. 

suppose  (-ing  infinitive)  : 

to  suppose  him  suddenly  turning  to  the  law  and  its 

precepts  is  not  natural  Arnold,  319. 

suppose  (other  predicate) : 
he  supposeth  the  root  of  a  tree  the  head  or  upper 
part  thereof  Browne,  18. 

supposing  the  acuteness  of  the  sense  equal  Burke,  74. 

122  ;  189 ;  194. 

the  writer  of  the  Fourth  Gospel  whom  we  suppose 

a  Jew  Arnold,  217. 

220. 

suspect :  If  you  meet  a  thief,  you  may  suspect  him, 

by  virtue  of  your  office,  to  be  no  true  man        Mtieh  Ado,  III,  iii,  53. 

which,  notwithstanding,  many  suspect  to  be  but  a 
panic  terror  Browne,  46. 

suspect  (predicate  noun)  :  lest  she  suspect,  as  he  does. 

Her  children  not  her  husband^  s  W.  T.,  II,  iii,  107. 

take  :  but  he  at  that  time,  over-fond  of  the  shepherd's 

daughter,  so  then  he  took  her  to  be  W.  T.,  V,  ii,  127. 

Tem^.,  II,  ii,  112  ;  Meas.  f.  Meas.,  Ill,  ii,  17. 

which ...  I  take  to  be  written  by  some  young 

Templar  Spec,  8. 

20  ;  24  ;  28  ;  58  ;  65  ;  66  ;  67  ;  76  ;  79. 

whose  idea  of  the  line  of  beauty  I  take  in  general 

to  be  extremely  just  Burke,  156. 

think  :  I  think  your  blazon  to  be  true  Much  Ado,  III,  i,  107. 


95 

I  think  this  lady 
To  be  my  child  Cordelia  Lear,  IV,  vii,  69. 

And  this  we  rather  think  to  be  the  tree  mentioned 

in  the  Canticles  Browne,  433. 

he  would  think  a  general  mourning  to  be  in  sl  less 

degree  the  same  ceremony  Spec,  64. 

this  difference,  which  I  think  to  be  apparent         Burke,  63. 

I  believe  no  man  thinks  a  goose  to  be  more  beautiful 
than  a  swan  lb.,  67. 

beliefs  which  it  now  thinks  to  be  untransformable 

Arnold,  XL. 

They  think  the  body  of  laws  now  existing  to  be,  in 

the  main  and  in  its  essence,  excellent  Bagehot,  19. 

think  (other  predicate)  : 

May  I  be  bold 
To  think  these  spirits?  Temp.,  IV,  i,  119. 

Two  Gent,  1,  ii,  24 ;  II,  vii,  33  ;  M.  f.  M.,  I,  i,  22  ;  Lear,  I,  iv, 
71 ;  II,  iv,  238,  etc. 

a  man  .  .  .  <vould  think  himself  but  sixty-one         Browne,  65. 
460  ;  495. 

I  shall  not  think  myself  obliged  Spec,  4. 

6  ;  8  ;  15  ;  16 ;  34  ;  35  ;  etc. 

This  manner  of  proceeding  I  should  think  very 
improper  Burke,  57. 

147  ;  164  ;  378  ;  etc. 

which  he  was  at  first  disposed  to  think  identical  with  , 

our  St.  Matthew  Arnold,  286 ;  293  ;  339. 

every  one  thinks  himself  competent  to  think  Bagehot,  4. 

124 ;  155. 

apprehend  (predicate  noun)  : 

apprehending  their  bodies  too  tender  a  morsel 

for  fire  Browne,  483. 

compute  :  I  compute  myself  to  be  two  hundredweight    Spec,  25. 

know  :  I  know  the  gentleman 

To  be  of  worth  and  worthy  estimation  Two  Gent. ,  II,  iv,  55. 

Ill,  i,  264  ;  M.f.  3L,  III,  i,  169 ;  Much  Ado,  III,  iii,  57 ;   W.  T., 
IV,  iii,  91 ;  V,  ii,  38  ;  I  Hen.  IV,  I,  ii,  195  ;  205. 


96 


I  have  known  the  shooting  of  a  star  spoil  a 

night's  rest  Spec,  7. 

20  ;  29  ;  33  ;  45  ;  54  ;  77  ;  79. 

when  they  know  and  feel  it  to  be  the  effect  and 
pledge  of  their  own  importance  Burke,  369. 

For  metaphysics  we  know  from  the  very  name 
to  be  the  science  of  things  which  come  after 
natural  things  Arnold,  50. 

the  reputation  .  .  .  which  we  know  him  to  have    lb.,  170. 
277  ;  315. 

I  know  the  present  state  of  things  to  be  consistent 
with  the  existence  of  John  Lord  Eldon  Bagehot,  8. 

144  ;  179  ;  205. 

know  (other  predicate)  : 
she  knows  it  cowardice  Two  Gent. ,  V,  ii,  21. 

Mer.  Wives,  III,  iii,  123 ;   W.  T.,  II,  iii,  184. 

knowing  you  a  serious  student  of  the  highest  arcana 

of  nature  Browne,  384. 

I  have  known  a  soldier  that  has  entered  a  breach, 
affrighted  at  his  own  shadow  Spec,  12  ;  18  ;  44. 

recognize  :  it  will  recognize  it  to  have  been  an  attempt 

conservative  and  an  attempt  religious  Arnold,  xli. 

discover  :  one,  who,  by  the  shabbiness  of  his  dress 

...  I  discovered  to  be  of  that  species  Spec,  31. 

those  who  have  discovered  the  action  of  God  to  be 
impersonal  Arnold,  31. 

discovered  the  nature  of  God  to  be  impersonal       lb. 

find  :  I  find  the  brains  to  weigh  but  half  a  drachm 

Browne,  6. 
7 ;  30  ;  403  ;  420  ;  431 ;  470 ;  471 ;  472. 

when  a  set  of  men  find  themselves  agree  in  any 

particular  ^S^ec,  9. 

14;  19;  25;  32  ;  41 ;  56  ;  63. 

we  find  any  object  to  be  beautiful  Burke,  134. 

139  ;  382. 

find  themselves  to  be  out  in  their  reckoning  Arnold,  xiii. 


97 

And  this  conception  we  shall  find  to  stand  us  in 

good  stead  lb.,  341. 

XV ;  109 ;  127  ;  192. 

find  (other  predicate) : 
I  find  not 
Myself  disposed  to  sleep  Temp. ,  II,  i,  201  ;  V,  i,  98. 

Mer.  Wives,  II,  i,  246  ;  M.  f.  M.,  II,  iv,  91 ;  IV,  iii,  93 ;  IV,  iii, 
130. 

we  shall  find  it  measured  by  another  number        Browne,  52. 
462  ;  471. 

I  had  the  misfortune  to  find  Ms  whole  family 

very  much  dejected  Spec,  7. 

29  ;  33  ;  57  ;  58  ;  78. 

we  have  found  them  in  a  state  of  much  sobriety     Burke,  84. 
85  ;  109  ;  117  ;  136  ;  141  ;  155  ;  184  ;  188. 

find  the  work  useful  to  them  Arnold,  xxxi. 

man  .  .  .  finds  laid  down  for  himself  no  rights        lb. ,  8. 
232  ;  323. 

mark  :  By  noting  of  the  lady  I  have  mark'd 
A  thousand  blushing  apparitions 
To  start  into  her  face,  a  thousand  innocent 

shames 
In  angel  whiteness  beat  away  those  blushes    Much  Ado,  I,  i,  160. 

marking  certain  mutations  to  happen  Browne,  70. 

observe  :  The  brains  of  a  man  Archangelus  and 

Bauhinus  observe  to  weigh  four  pounds  Browne,  6, 

78  ;  428. 

how  empty  I  have  in  this  time  observed  some 
part  of  the  species  to  be  Spec.,  4. 

19  ;  56  ;  75. 

such  things  as  we  have  already  observed  to  be 
genuine  constituents  of  beauty  Burke,  187. 

observe  (other  predicate)  : 
false  protestations  tvhich  I  observe  made  by 

glances  in  publick  assemblies  Spec. ,  4. 

41  ;  53 ;  76. 

we  shall  all  along  observe  the  svhlime  the 
concomitant  of  terror  Burke,  114. 

7 


98 


perceive  :  if  I  perceive  the  love  come  from  her        Much  Ado,  II,  iii,  234. 

Thus  we  may  perceive  the  custom  is  more 
ancient  than  commonly  conceived,  and 
these  opinions  hereof  in  all  ages,  not  any 
one  disease,  to  have  been  the  occasion  of 
this  salute  and  deprecation  Browne,  35. 

perceiving  the  parts  of  the  human  and  other 
animal  bodies  to  be  at  once  very  beautiful, 
and  very  well  adapted  to  their  purposes  Burke,  147. 

what  they  perceive,  or  think  they  perceive,  to  be 

a  law  of  nature  Arnold,  80. 

Now,  an  unsubstantial  ground  of  reliance  men 

more  and  more  perceive  miracles  to  be  lb. ,  91 . 

A  French  Dante  ...  we  at  once  perceive  to  be  a 

mere  anomaly  Bagehot,  146. 

perceive  {-ing  infinitive)  : 

I  perceive  a  great  national  laiv,  the  law  of  righteousness, 
ruling  the  world  Arnold,  101. 

look  upon  :  we  look  upon  a  certain  northern  Prince's 
march  .  .  .  to  be  palpably  against  our  good-will 
and  liking  Spec,  43. 

52  ;  55  ;  61  ;  62. 

feel :  when  they  know  and  feel  it  to  be  the  effect  and 

pledge  of  their  own  importance  Burke,  369. 

extravagances  which  men  versed  in  practical  life 

feel  to  be  absurd  Arnold,  209. 

makes  him  feel  certain  things  to  be  improbable  and 

impossible  lb.,  281. 

they  felt  him  to  be  a  great  man  Bagehot,  23. 

feel  {-ing  infinitive)  : 
he  felt  a  gale  of  perfumes  breathing  upon  him      Spec,  56. 

feel  (other  predicate)  : 
It  is  worth  observing  how  we  feel  ourselves  affected 
in  reading  the  characters  of  Caesar  and  Cato    Burke,  152. 


99 


D.     Veebs  of  Declaration 

The  accusative  witli  infinitive  after  verbs  of  declaration 
is  found  in  Old  English  only  in  translated  documents  in 
imitation  of  the  Latin  original. 

andettan  :  iertJon  David  andette  hi  fram  wifum  clsene 

beon  Bede,  496,  15. 

cwe^an  :  on  'Sam  ngenig  heora  of  >am  ]>e  hi  ahton 

owhit  his  beon  on  sundran  cwse^  Bede,  489,  15. 

bodian  &  lieran  :  "Sa  "Se  bododan  &  Iserdon  aenne  vnllan 

&  an  wyrcnesse  beon  on  Drihtne  hselende  Bede,  639,  34. 

qui  unam  in  Domino  Salvatore  voluntatem  atque 
operationem  dogmatizabant 

gecy  San  :  he  gecy'Sde  hine  sylfne  cunnan,  hwylce 

wjeren  Godes  gestihtunge  Grreg.,  137,  7. 

secgan  :  &  hire  ssegde  ealra  heora  modor  Hilde 
abbuddisan  >a  of  weorulde  geleoran  &  hire 
geseondre  mid  micele  leohte  &  mid  engla 
"Sreatum  to  "Sam  ecan  leohta  heofona  rices 
wuldres  &  to  gemanan  )jara  upplicra 
ceasterwarena  dstlgan  Bede,  596,  10.^ 

)>a  secgatS  hine  lybban  Luke^  24,  23.* 

secgan  (passive  infinitive) : 

nis  >aet  wundor  to  forswyggienne  )>8et  Herebald 

se  Cristes  ^eow  ssede  from  him,  &  \>oet  eac  swylce 

beon  geworden  on  him  sylfum  Bede,  618,  27.^ 

neque  hoc  praetereundum  silentio,  quod  famulus 

Christi  Herebald  in  seipso  ab  eo  factum  solet 

narrari  miraculum 

tellan  :  ne  tella)>  we  synne  wesan  gesynscype  Bede,  495,  17. 

gehatan  :  gehet  Ame  sy//Vi€  deofolgyldum  twjisacan    Bede,  511,  35.* 

^  For  this  and  preceding  examples  from  Bede,  see  Wiilfing,  II,  188. 
'Koch:  Grammar,  II,  112. 
»  Wiilfing,  II,  190. 
*Ib.,  188. 


100 

The  nearest  approach  to  this  locution  in  Old  English  poetry- 
is  found  in  the  employment  of  an  accusative  with  a  predicate 
adjective  after  secgan  in  several  passages. 

ond  J>one  claenan  eac 
sacerd  so'Slice  saegdon  toweard  Crist,  136. 

6]?er  him  ]>ds  eor\>an  ealle  ssegde 

laene  under  lyfte  Guthlac,  90. 

saegdon  hine  sundoj-wisne  Elene,  588. 

gecennan  :  ic  J?e  ecne  god  aenne  gecenne  Glaubensbekenntnis,  4. 

This  construction,  either  with  the  infinitive  or  other  pre- 
dicate, begins  to  occur  more  frequently  after  the  thirteenth 
century. 

knowledge  :  Austin  knoulechid  hivi  silf  hunie  out  Pecock,  178. 

knowleged  hymselfe  greuously  to  haue  offended  Fisher,  7,  10. 
knowledge,  inacwen  (other  predicate)  ; 

ich  icnowe  me  gulti  Horn. ,  I,  205. 

knewleched  hym  gulty  Piers  PL,  xii,  193. 

he  knoledged  himself  worthy  to  be  hanged  More,  346  G. 

Dauyd  was  in  wyll  for  to  knowlege  hymselfe 
gyltye  Fisher,  6,  30 ;  33,  18  ;  163,  27  ;  215,  31. 

knowleged  hymselfe  a  greuous  synner  lb.,  131,  36. 

144,  23  ;  162,  4. 

confess  :  whan  he  dyd  confesse  cryst  lesu  to  be  the 

sone  of  god  Fisher,  320,  14. 

confess  (predicate  adjective): 

my-selff  right  nought  than  I  confesse  P^gby,  146,  201. 

call  (=  declare):  git  say  I  more  forsolje  here 
Of  abraham  whiche  ye  calle 
jpbr  to  be  youre  fadir  alle  Curs.  Mundi,  12150. 

thei  callen  it  to  be  werk  of  the  feend  Pecock,  476. 


101 


clepe :  but  gif  ]>ei  clepen  be  contrarie  name  )>e 

deudis  chirche  to  he  holy  chirche  Wyclif,  61. 

If  thou,  clepist  oonli  thilk  vertu  to  be  a  godli 

vertu  Pecock,  153. 

he  clepith  and  seith  Thymoihie  to  be  such  a 
bischop  lb.,  446. 

tell :  sixe  thingis  tellith  Crist  to  come  in  his  pas- 

sioun  Wyclif,^ 

say  ;  he  seith  his  apostlis  to  be  hise  frendis  lb. 

neither  eny  creature  ougte  seie  him  to  haue  a 

propre  Euangelie  Pecock,  61. 

If  thou  seie  the  now  rehercid  opynyoun  of  the 

seid  clerk  to  be  groundid  here  on  this  lb .,  414. 

declare  ;  Dynys  declarith  openli  a  bischop  to  be 

aboue  othere  louger  preestis  Pecock,  446. 

he  shall  declare  them  to  be  of  all  men  mooste 

fortunate  Elyot,  38. 

declareth  to  be  in  them  these  qualities  or  diuerdties    lb. ,  289. 

declare  (predicate  participle)  : 

whiche  I  shall  declare 
to  the  apporprid  by  moralite  JDigby,  20,  487. 

allege  :  alleggith  Holi  Scripture  to  be  worthier 

than  is  the  doom  of  resoun  Pecock,  81. 

pronounce  (predicate  adjective)  : 

whi  schulde  curatis  pronounsen  here  bre\>eren 

a  cursed  Wyclif,  35. 

gif  a  preste  pronounse  siche  a  man  a  cursed  lb.,  36. 

preyse  (predicate  adjective)  : 
Ac  charite  \>at  poule  preyseth  best  and  most 
plesaunte  to  owre  saueoure  Piers  PL,  XV,  152. 

avaunt :  what  or  wherto  avauntede  ye  we  to  ben 

weleful  Ch.  Boeth.,  130,  34. 


^Schmidt:  Language  of  Pecock,  119. 


102 


their  maister  wyll  perchance  auaunte  hym  selfe 

to  he  a  good  philosopher  Elyot,  167. 

whome  he  aduaunted  to  be  his  father  J6.,  222. 

prove :  who  euer  can  proue  him  silf  to  be  noon 

such  as  y  haue  here  now  spoken  of  Pecock,  88. 

for  ellis  there  were  no  wey  to  proue  bi  it  eny 

thing  be  trewe  lb.,  373. 

And  no  scripture  can  there  proue  the  very 
trewe  church  to  hold  an  article  as  trew  faith       More,  355  D. 

prove  (other  predicate): 
&  bi  J>is  false  lawe  l>ei  may  proue  heretikis  whom 
euere  >ei  wolen  Wyclif,  75. 

proue  eche  hyng  in  cristendom  forsworn  &  no 
kyng  lb. 

who  that  preued  hym  the  best  knyght  Malory,  147,  15. 

warante  :  "  Who  is  ther 

That  knokketh  so?    I  warante  it  a  theef  C.  T.,  A,  3791. 

show  :  he  therbi  schewith  weel  him  to  be  noon  of 

hem  Pecock,  88. 

153  ;  239  ;  403. 

wherby  he  may  shewe  his  wretchednes  to  be  grete  & 
ouerheped  Fisher,  74,  24. 

102,  31 ;  136,  5. 

to  shewe  him  selfe  to  be  weary  Elyot,  41 . 

show  (other  predicate)  : 
shewynge  them^elfe  culpable  Fisher,  153,  14. 

226,  21 ;  253,  25. 

he  shewed  himself  so  repentaunt  More,  346  H. 

shewed  ihemselues  open  incestuouse  harlottes  Ib.y  359  B. 

cleyme  (= proclaim)  : 
also  he  cleymyd  hym-sylf  son  of  \>e  godhed  Digby,  105,  1321. 

proclaim :  proclaymynge  hymsdfe  synfull  &  vnkynde 

Fisher,  236,  16. 

assent :  and  I  assent,  right  as  ye  say, 
Some  preuay  poynt  to  be  puruayed  Townley,  206,  71. 


OF  THE  A 

UNIVERSITY   3 

OF  / 

^^.TQRWU^  103 

affirm  :  Johne  Waters,  that  namyth  hym  self  Paston, 

and  affermith  hym  untrewely  to  be  my  cousyn  Paston,  i,  19. 

What  euer  deede  or  thing  Holi  Scripture  of  the 
Oold  Testament  tellith  or  affermeth  God  haue 
do  Pecock,  625. 

whiche  Plato  affirmeth  to  be  the  firste  and  chiefe 

parte  of  a  publyke  weale  Elyot,  cxcii. 

which  these  fonde  felowes  affirme  now  to  be  bitter 
and  perilous  meate  .  .  .  mch  as  now  these 
mad  men  affirm  to  be  well  seasoned  and  good    More,  360  A. 

ioT  faith  his  felowes  and  he  aflfirme  to  bee  that 
thing  which  onely  doth  iustify  us  lb.,  363  C. 

describe  :  But  yet  Cornelius  Tacitus  describeth 

an  oratour  to  be  of  more  excellent  qualities       Elyot,  117. 

conclude  :  concludeth  nat  daunsinge  to  be  at  all 

tymes  and  in  euery  maner  unlauf  ull  Elyot,  209. 

define  :  prudence,  whom  TuUi  defineth  to  be  the 
knowlege  of  thinges  whiche  ougte  to  be 
desired  and  folowed  Elyot,  239. 

Pecock  also  employs  the  construction  after  assigne  (209; 
472),  conferme  (147;  528),  defende  (123),  denounce  (112), 
denye  (509),  diffame  (149),  expresse  (305),  graunte  (246), 
ohiecte  (50),  prophesie  (234),  storie  (299),  teche  (248), 
wijte  (155),  witnesse  (526). 


Modern  English 

acknowledge  :  But  Nineveh,  which  authors 

acknowledge  to  have  exceeded  Babylon  Browne,  399. 

they  acknowledged  their  bodies  to  be  the  lodging 

of  Christ  76.,  481. 

acknowledge  (predicate  adjective): 
this  thing  of  darkness  I 
Acknowledge  mine  Temp.,  V,  i,  276. 

whom  nature  is  ashamed 
Almost  to  acknowledge  hers  Lear,  I,  i,  216. 


104 


admit :  admitting  an  equal  number  of  rays,  or  an 
equal  number  of  luminous  particles  to  strike 
the  eye  Burke,  176. 

to  admit  nothing  to  be  true  .    Arnold,  51 ;  226. 

which  our  readers  will  admit  to  be  an  appoint- 
ment of  Providence  Bagehot,  52  ;  177. 

affirm  :   who  affirms  this  peculiar  vessel  to  be  an 

artery  Browne,  8  ;  63. 

affirm  Ood  to  be  a  person  Arnold,  84. 

affirm  God  to  be  either  the  one  or  the  other  lb. 

that  belief  in  witchcraft  which  in  the  century 
previous  a  man  like  Sir  Matthew  Hale  could 
affirm  to  have  the  authority  of  Scripture  76.,  36. 

allow  :  which  stricter  botanology  will  hardly  allow 

to  be  camphire  "  Browne,  433. 

I  allow  a  beauty  to  be  as  much  to  be  commended  Spec. ,  4  ;  65. 

allowing  all  that  has  been  said  on  this  subject 

to  be  sufficiently  proved  Burke,  168  ;  183. 

Suppose  that  we  allow  him  to  have  had  not  one 

whit  more  bent  than  other  people  Arnold,  123  ;  180. 

approve  (predicate  noun) : 
which  approves  him  an  intelligent  party  to  the 

advantages  of  France  Lear,  III,  v,  12. 

assert :  we  do  not  assert  God  to  be  a  thing  Arnold,  31. 

50  ;  56  ;  84  ;  91. 

assume :  which  theologians  in  general  assume  to 

be  the  meaning  Arnold,  24  ;  197. 

betray :  which  .  .  .  betrays  itself  to  be  a  modern 

composition  Spec.,  62. 

boast :  and  boasts  himself 

To  have  a  worthy  feeding  W,  T.,  IV,  iv,  168. 

conclude  :  I  conclude  myself  to  be  hungry  Spec,  25  ;  35  ;  62. 

you  must  conclude  her  not  to  be  beautiful  Burke,  140. 

conclude  (predicate  adjective): 
concludes  the  story  fabulous  Browne,  44. 


105 

confess  :  Which  he  confesseth  to  be  manifold  I  Hen.  IVy  IV,  iii,  47. 

80  doth  Eucharius  confess  it  to  be  the  emblem  of 

Christ  Browne,  88. 

all  that  we  say  about  the  Bible  we  confess  to  be 
a  failure  Arnold,  10. 

confesse  (predicate  participle): 

we  have  to  confess  ourselves  fairly  puzzled  and 
beaten 

confirm  (predicate  phrase)  : 
nor  will  inspection  confirm  a  peculiar  vessel  in 
this  finger  Browne,  10. 

(ac) count  (other  predicate)  : 
The  philosopher  accounts  that  east  from  whence 

the  heavens  begin  their  motion  Browne,  21. 

51  ;  60  ;  65. 

Byron  counted  the  critic  and  poet  equal  Bagehot,  202. 

declare  :  declared  the  owners  of  it  to  be  altogether 

untainted  Spec.,  9. 

by  declaring  him  to  be  without  body  Arnold,  74. 

declare  (other  predicate)  : 

declaring  in  his  death  somewhat  above  humanity    Browne,  61. 

of  whom  I  must  declare  myself  an  admirer  Spec.,  13. 

define  :  if  we  define  sitting  to  be  a  firmation  of  the 

body  Browne,  2. 

I  shall  here  define  it  to  be  a  conceit  Spec. ,  62. 

demonstrate  :  which  we  could  demonstrate  to  be 

beautiful  Burke,  135. 

describe  ;  whose  tenderness  Busy  describes  to  be  very 

beautiful  Spec,  65. 

discover  :  which  must  discover  the  writer  to  be  a 

man  of  sense  Spec.,  35. 

give  out  (predicate  participle)  : 
which,  but  three  glasses  since,  we  gave  out  split    Temp.,  V,  i,  223. 


106 

grant :  though  we  grant  it  to  be  measured  by  sevens 

Browne,  52. 

although  we  may  grant  every  logion  in  the  series 

to  he  in  itself  authentic  Arnold,  297. 

have  :  Nabuchodonosor  {whom  some  will  have  to 

be  the  famous  Syrian  king  of  Diodorus)  Browne,  386. 

439;  478;  489. 

have  (other  predicate)  : 
since  some  will  have  them  emeralds  Browne,  400  ;  464. 

justify  (predicate  noun)  : 

I  here  could  pluck  his  highness*  frown  upon  you 

And  justify  you  traitors  Temp.,  V,  i,  128. 

maintain  :  but  I  will  maintain  the  word'jviih  my 

sword  to  be  a  soldier-like  word  II  Hen.  IV,  III,  ii,  82. 

I  have  heard  him  oft  maintain  it  to  be  fit  Lear,  I,  ii,  77. 

and  this  my  worthy  predecessor  .  .  .  always 
maintained  to  be  no  more  than  the  true  oval 
proportion  Spec,  52. 

the  fundamental  theme  of  Jesus,  we  maintain  to 
be  no  "  arid  mysticism"  at  all  Arnold,  284. 

mark  (predicate  adjective)  : 
These  signs  have  mark'd  me  extraordinary  I  Hen.  IV,  III,  i,  41. 

proclaim  :  and  many  other  evidences  proclaim  her 

to  be  with  all  certainty  the  king's  daughter       W.  T.,  V,  ii,  42. 

profess  :  so  we  profess 

Ourselves  to  he  the  slaves  of  chance  W.  T.,  IV,  iv,  550. 

profess  (other  predicate) : 
that  I  profess 
Myself  an  enemy  to  all  other  joys  Lear,  I,  i,  74. 

profess  myself .  .  .  your  ever  faithful  friend  Browne,  453. 

pronounce :    whether  it  pronounce  the  attempt 

here  made  to  be  of  solid  worth  or  not  Arnold,  XLI. 

75  ;  139  ;  231 ;  271. 

Goethe  .  .  .  pronounced  Beranger  to  have  "a 
nature  most  happily  endowed"  Bagehot,  156. 


107 


pronounce  (other  predicate): 
I  hate  thee, 
Pronounce  thee  a  gross  lout,  a  mindless  slave  W.  T.,  I,  ii,  301. 

you  may  pronounce  it  true  Spec. ,  62. 

those  who  pronounce  them  vain  Arnold,  2. 

31 ;  143. 

prove :   proves  this  to  be  the   Evangelist's  main 

point  Arnold,  202 ;  227. 

prove  (other  predicate)  : 

this  proves  me  still  a  sheep  Two  Gent. ,  I,  i,  82. 

31.  f.  M.,  IV,  ii,  40  ;  I  Hen.  IV,  I,  iii,  95. 

report :  a  notable  lubber  as  thou  reportest  him 

to  be  Two  Gent.,  II,  v,  47. 

And  was  the  duke  a  fishmonger,  a  fool,  a 
coward,  as  you  then  reported  him  to  be  Meas.  f.  Meas.,  V,  i,  336. 

the  very  words  our  Gospels  report  him  to 

have  said  Arnold,  264. 

represent  (predicate  adjective)  : 
after  he  has  represented  Cimon  so  stupid  Spec.,  77. 

say  (predicate  participle)  : 
I  should  say  myself  offended  Ant.  &  Cleop.,  II,  i,  32. 

show  :  A  little  thought  will  shew  this  to  be  impossible     Burke,  167. 

an  explanation  which  the  whole  account  we 
have  of  Jesus  shows  to  be  idle  Arnold,  263  ;  300. 

show  (other  predicate) : 

His  little  speaking  shows  his  love  but  small  Two  Gent.,  I,  ii,  29. 

Mer.  Wives,  II,  iii,  56  ;  Lear,  III,  iv,  36. 

subscribe  (predicate  noun): 

I  will  subscribe  him  a  coward  Much  Ado,  V,  ii,  59. 

swear  (predicate  noun) : 

I'll  swear  myself  thy  subject  Temp.,  II,  ii,  155. 


108 


E.     Summary 


From  the  very  earliest  times  English,  in  common  with 
other  Indo-Germanic  languages,  employed,  after  certain  verbs 
of  express  or  implied  causation  {Icetan,  forlMan,  hdtauy 
hiddan),  an  accusative  with  an  infinitive.  In  some  cases,  as 
after  hdtan  and  hiddan,  the  two  elements  were  apparently 
felt  as  separate  objects  of  the  main  verb,  though  they  were 
loosely  united  by  the  logical  relation  of  subject  and  predi- 
cate. But  after  verbs  of  direct  causation  it  is  impossible 
thus  to  analyze  the  component  parts  of  the  locution.  In  a 
sentence  like  "  he  caused  Mm  to  worh,"  him  cannot  be 
construed  as  independently  the  object  of  caused  but  must 
be  considered  as  associated  with  the  infinitive  and  forming 
with  it  a  single  objective  conception  dependent  on  the  verb 
of  the  main  clause.  The  tendency  to  dissociate  the  accu- 
sative from  the  main  verb  and  to  attach  it  to  the  infinitive 
is  even  stronger  in  those  instances  in  which  the  latter  ele- 
ment has  a  passive  force.  In  "  he  ordered  the  army  to  he 
sentf'  army  is  manifestly  not  the  direct  object  of  the  com- 
mand, but  rather  the  sending  of  the  army.  In  later  Old 
English  the  construction  of  accusative  with  infinitive  spread 
to  verbs  of  this  group  which  earlier  were  construed  with  a 
clause  only  or  with  an  accusative  and  a  clause.  Verbs  like 
beodaUj  ddn,  maciaUj  tcecan  and  Iceran,  though  found  very 
rarely  with  an  accusative  and  infinitive  in  late  Old  English, 
began  to  employ  the  construction  more  and  more  frequently 
in  early  Middle  English,  and  by  the  opening  of  the  four- 
teenth century  that  was  the  prevailing  locution  and  practi- 
cally the  only  one  employed.  'New  words,  introduced  from 
the  French  or  Latin,  very  soon  adopted  the  native  construc- 
tion. The  verb  command,  for  instance,  as  has  been  pointed 
out,  was  for  a  time  employed  in  accordance  with  both  the 
French  and  English  idioms.     The  French  construction,  that 


109 

of  a  personal  object  introduced  by  the  preposition  to  and 
followed  by  an  infinitive  or  a  clause,  was  used  alongside  the 
English  accusative  with  infinitive,  but  the  latter  locution 
before  long  completely  replaced  the  other.  In  Middle  Eng- 
lish the  periphrastic  form  of  the  passive  infinitive  is  em- 
ployed in  original  literature  side  by  side  with  the  active 
form,  so  that  there  is  no  doubt  as  to  the  nature  of  the  con- 
struction intended. 

With  verbs  of  sense  perception,  even  when  the  infinitive 
is  active,  the  accusative  is  to  be  taken  as  more  closely  con- 
nected with  the  main  verb  than  with  the  infinitive.  The 
relationship  here  is  the  same  as  that  described  in  causative 
verbs  with  a  passive  infinitive.  It  is,  in  brief,  impossible 
mentally  to  dissociate  the  two  elements,  accusative  and  infini- 
tive :  they  express  a  single  conception.  When  I  say  "  he 
sees  a  man  walking/''  I  do  not  mean  that  he  sees  a  man 
or  that  he  sees  walking,  but  only  that  he  sees  a  walking  man. 
This  construction  is  regular  in  all  periods  of  the  English 
language  with  verbs  expressing  an  immediate  sense  percep- 
tion, and  therefore  requires  no  extensive  comment. 

Erom  verbs  of  sense  perception  to  those  of  mental  per- 
ception the  transition  is  an  easy  one,  since  the  same  verbs 
often  have  both  functions.  In  its  use  with  verbs  of  mental 
perception  the  accusative  with  infinitive  possesses  a  degree 
of  development  scarcely  differing  from  that  found  in 
Greek  and  Latin.  The  closer  association  which  is  felt  be- 
tween the  accusative  and  the  infinitive  after  such  verbs 
arises,  probably,  from  the  fact  that  many  of  them  do  not 
admit  a  personal  object  in  the  accusative  case  if  no  pre- 
dicate is  associated  with  the  latter.  But  a  direct  neuter 
object  is  possible  with  any  of  these  verbs,  and  this  fact 
renders  their  inherent  transitive  force  sufficiently  obvious. 
The  point  is  illustrated  in  Old  English  by  gefrignan  and 
gehyran,  meaning  to  learn  about.  The  former  verb  in  par- 
ticular is  followed  by  the  accusative  with  infinitive  much 


110 

more  frequently  than  any  other  verb  of  mental  perception, 
but  it  occurs  only  sporadically  with  a  pure  accusative.  The 
fact  that  it  occurs  so  at  all,  however,  is  evidence  sufficient 
to  indicate  that  the  accusative  in  our  construction  is  due  to 
its  original  employment  as  the  object  of  the  main  verb  and 
not  to  its  use  as  the  subject  of  the  infinitive. 

After  verbs  of  declaration  the  early  language,  in  its  ori- 
ginal literature,  shows  only  the  faintest  beginnings  of  the 
construction  in  the  form  of  an  accusative  followed  by  a  pre- 
dicate noun,  adjective,  or  participle.  The  importance  of 
the  use  of  the  latter  forms  as  predicates  is  fundamental  in 
the  development  of  the  accusative  with  infinitive.  The  fre- 
quency with  which  these  predicate  forms  occur  in  Old  Eng- 
lish after  verbs  of  mental  perception,  and  their  employ- 
ment after  verbs  of  declaration  previous  to  any  similar 
use  of  the  infinitive,  may  be  treated  as  a  confirmation  of 
the  view  that  they  preceded  the  accusative  with  infinitive 
in  time,  and,  in  fact,  afforded  the  model  by  analogy  to  which 
the  latter  construction  was  more  fully  developed.  The  re- 
lation between  the  accusative  and  the  predicate,  whatever 
form  that  predicate  may  take, — whether  infinitive,  substan- 
tive, adjective,  or  participle — is  the  same.  The  practical 
identity  of  the  two  locutions  is  illustrated  by  the  fact  that 
it  is  possible  to  convert  every  non-infinitive  predicate  into  an 
infinitive  by  the  introduction  of  the  copula  to  he. 

The  question  of  Latin  influence  in  this  period  can  be  dis- 
posed of  without  difficulty.  As  is  manifest  from  the  Bede 
citations,  the  translator  on  a  number  of  occasions  imitates 
the  Latin  construction  in  rendering  an  accusative  with  infi- 
nitive after  verbs  of  mental  perception  and  declaration. 
But  very  seldom  does  he  do  violence  to  the  English  idiom 
in  so  translating.  He  refrains  from  imitating  the  con- 
struction after  neuter  and  impersonal  verbs,  confining  his 
translation  within  the  same  limitations  that  bound  the  na- 
tive locution.     That  it  should  be  found  more  frequently  in 


Ill 

translations  than  in  original  works  is  to  be  expected  from  the 
extensive  use  of  this  construction  in  Latin;  and  it  is  not 
surprising  to  find  sporadical  examples  bearing  the  distinct 
stamp  of  foreign  importation.  But  in  expanding  the  great 
mass  of  Latin  accusatives  and  infinitives  into  English  clauses, 
the  translator  has  shown  that  his  feeling  for  the  native 
idiom  has  not  been  corrupted  by  the  foreign  language.  Since 
Latin  exerted  so  slight  an  influence  on  Old  English  transla- 
tions, it  may  readily  be  inferred  that  it  had  no  effect  at  all 
on  original  literature  or  spoken  language. 

It  has  already  been  remarked  that  during  the  thirteenth 
and  fourteenth  centuries  our  construction  became  regular 
after  verbs  of  causation,  and  that  with  verbs  of  sense  per- 
ception it  already  had  been  so  in  Old  English.  After  verbs 
of  mental  perception  and  declaration,  also,  its  use  became 
wider  in  Middle  English.  Every  document  examined  (dat- 
ing after  1250)  affords  some  examples  of  an  accusative 
with  a  predicate  after  verbs  belonging  to  the  latter  groups. 
Though  there  are  great  discrepancies  in  the  extent  to  which 
the  construction  is  employed,  even  by  contemporary  writers, 
there  is,  in  general,  a  marked  progression  in  successive 
periods.  It  is  employed  with  greater  frequency  by  Wyclif 
than  by  other  writers  of  his  time,  owing,  it  may  be,  to  his 
somewhat  more  Latinized  vocabulary.  When  verbs  which 
in  Latin  were  customarily  used  in  conjunction  with  an  ac- 
cusative and  infinitive  were  taken  over  into  English,  it  was 
found  natural  to  associate  them  with  the  same  locution  in 
the  latter  language.  This  is  an  element  of  Latin  influence 
which  ought  to  be  conceded,  and  it  accounts  for  the  exten- 
sive use  of  the  construction  by  Pecock  in  the  fifteenth  cen- 
tury. 

But  the  position  of  Pecock  with  reference  to  the  history 
of  the  accusative  with  infinitive  in  English  has  not  been 
rightly  estimated.  There  is  in  all  his  work  scarcely  a  sin- 
gle example  of  its  use  after  verbs  of  mental  perception  which 


112 

is  without  some  earlier  parallel.  His  usage  after  verbs  of 
declaration  is  rather  more  eccentric,  and  it  cannot  be  denied 
that  on  the  whole  he  employs  the  accusative  with  infinitive 
more  extensively  than  any  preceding  writer,  or,  indeed,  than 
any  succeeding  one.  But  the  difference  is  only  one  of  degree, 
and  we  must  take  into  consideration  the  fact  that  Pecock's 
vocabulary  is  saturated  with  Latin  words,  that  he  is  writing 
a  controversial  treatise,  almost  every  page  of  which  bristles 
with  verbs  of  mental  perception  and  declaration  which  afford 
him  endless  opportunities  for  the  use  of  the  construction, 
and  that  he  employs  this  construction  much  less  frequently 
than  the  that  clause,  and  apparently  only  for  the  sake  of 
varying  the  latter.  To  draw  an  inference  as  to  the  unique- 
ness of  Pecock's  usage  by  contrasting  it  with  that  of  Malory 
or  the  "  Merlin  "  romance  seems  eminently  unfair.  If  we 
were  to  compare  a  volume  of  Matthew  Arnold  with  a  romance 
of  Bulwer-Lytton's,  let  us  say,  the  disparity  in  their  usage 
with  regard  to  this  construction  would  be  found  not  a  whit 
less  striking.  A  work  of  pure  narrative  fiction,  written  in 
a  popular  style,  does  not  give  the  same  occasion  for  the 
use  of  the  accusative  with  infinitive  as  does  a  more  formal 
and  technical  work,  especially  if  the  latter  be  of  an  argu- 
mentative character.  The  statement  quoted  at  the  head  of 
this  chapter,  moreover,  to  the  effect  that  not  a  single  exam- 
ple of  the  construction  exists  in  "  Merlin,"  Malory  or 
Caxton,  is  obviously  unwarranted.  Even  a  very  fragmen- 
tary examination  of  the  works  in  question  was  sufficient  to 
reveal  its  inaccuracy. 

This  supposed  absence  of  our  locution  from  all  English 
literature  between  the  age  of  Pecock  and  that  of  Fisher, 
More,  and  Elyot  inspired  the  other  assertion:  that  it  took  a 
full  century  for  the  example  set  by  Pecock  to  bear  fruit. 
There  is  certainly  no  more  justification  for  saying  that 
Fisher  and  Elyot  imitate  Pecock  than  there  would  be  for 
declaring  that  they  imitate  the  Latin.     It  is  indeed  more 


113 

probable  that  their  native  feeling  for  tbe  construction  was 
colored  by  their  familiarity  with  the  classical  languages. 
But  with  them  too  the  subject  matter  is  partly  responsible 
for  their  usage,  which,  again,  is  not  startlingly  different 
from  that  of  the  fourteenth  century,  but  simply  represents 
another  stage  in  the  development  of  the  native  locution. 

The  usage  at  the  end  of  the  sixteenth  century,  as  repre- 
sented in  the  works  of  Shakespeare,  may  be  taken  as  the 
norm  of  modern  usage.  By  putting  together  the  occurrences 
in  all  the  thirty-seven  plays,  it  is  possible  to  collect  a 
number  of  examples  which  gives  a  disproportionate  idea 
of  the  actual  extent  of  the  construction.  In  scarcely  any 
play  does  Shakespeare  employ  it  after  verbs  of  mental  per- 
ception and  declaration  more  than  half  a  dozen  times,  but 
he  does  use  it  after  a  gi-eat  variety  of  verbs.  In  later 
writers  the  construction  differs  in  extent  as  considerably  as 
among  the  earlier  ones,  but  the  reasons  for  this  variation 
it  is  difficult  to  assign.  Thus  the  number  of  examples  found 
in  the  "  Spectator  "  or  in  Matthew  Arnold  far  exceeds  those 
found  in  an  equal  amount  of  the  prose  of  Dr.  Johnson  or 
Walter  Bagehot. 

Our  final  conclusion,  therefore,  is  that  the  accusative  with 
infinitive  existed  to  a  considerable  extent  in  the  very  oldest 
English,  and  that  the  language  possessed  at  hand  all  the 
elements  necessary  to  a  further  development.  This  develop- 
ment was  actually  taking  place  in  early  Middle  English 
without  the  assistance  of  foreign  influence,  at  a  time  when 
other  Germanic  dialects,  whose  literature  was  as  much  domi- 
nated by  Latin  as  was  that  of  England,  were  rapidly  losing 
the  construction.  This  native  tendency,  however,  was  proba- 
bly stimulated  by  the  great  stream  of  Latin  verbs  which 
flowed  into  the  English  language  between  the  fourteenth 
and  the  sixteenth  centuries. 


8 


CHAPTER  lY 

Construction  with  IsTeutee  and  Impeesonal  Verbs 

No  wonder  is  a  Uived  man  to  ruste 

a  T.,  A,  502. 

The  Middle  English  construction  of  a  substantive  with 
infinitive  after  neuter  and  impersonal  verbs  bears  a  striking 
resemblance  to  the  accusative  and  infinitive  which  Latin 
employs  with  such  verbs,  and  hence  all  the  accounts  of  the 
origin  and  development  of  this  locution  in  English  have 
been  strongly  colored  by  preconceptions  based  on  Latin 
syntax.  This  criticism  does  not,  indeed,  apply  very  strictly 
to  the  description  of  it  given  by  Professor  Jespersen.  Group- 
ing the  locution  with  a  number  of  others,  not  very  closely 
allied  to  it,  he  considers  it  as  a  "  peculiar  form  of  anaco- 
luthia  {sicy  ^  and  tentatively  adopts  for  it  the  term  "un- 
connected subject."  "  Sometimes,"  remarks  Jespersen,  "  the 
phenomenon  ...  of  an  unconnected  subject  with  an  infi- 
nitive, corresponds  very  nearly  to  the  Latin  accusative  with 
the  infinitive,  only  the  nominative  is  used."  " 

According  to  Einenkel  ^  the  origin  of  the  construction  is 
to  be  sought  in  the  Middle  English  use  of  the  infinitive  as 
subject  of  an  impersonal  verb,  when  that  verb  was  also 
followed  by  a  dative  case  of  the  person.  The  loss  of  in- 
flections tended  to  obscure  the  form  of  the  substantive,  and, 
the  construction  having  thus  grown  somewhat  vague,  its 
interpretation  was  determined  by  the  existence  in  Latin 
of  a  similar  construction,   the  substance  of  which  was   in 

*  Progress  in  Language^  205. 

'16.,  209. 

'  Streifzuge  durch  die  mittelenglische  Syntax,  247  ff. 

114 


115 

the  accusative  case.  Einenkel  feels  quite  convinced  that 
the  substantive  is  felt  as  an  accusative  in  English,  for 
Chaucer  affords  several  examples  in  which  the  oblique  case 
of  the  pronoun  cannot  be  disputed,  and  others,  v^ith  the 
case  doubtful,  in  which  a  dative  interpretation  would  pro- 
duce no  sense.  But  this  construction,  Einenkel  remarks, 
held  sway  for  a  brief  period  only.  It  disappeared  as  some- 
thing quite  foreign  to  the  language,  and  the  accusative  was 
replaced  by  the  dative  or  its  prepositional  substitute  for, 
thus  restoring  the  original  syntactical  relation.  The  entire 
development  presents,  to  Einenkel,  the  interesting  pheno- 
menon of  an  Old  English  construction  being  entirely  con- 
verted by  strong  Romance  influence,  of  the  new  construction 
for  a  time  supplanting  the  old  one,  but  being  checked,  and 
finally  completely  destroyed,  by  the  older  form.^ 

Stoffel  -  differs  from  Einenkel  in  deriving  the  construc- 
tion directly  from  the  accusative  with  infinitive,  not,  how- 
ever, from  the  Latin  construction,  but  from  an  accusative 
with  infinitive  which,  he  declares,  "  as  the  logical  subject 
of  a  quasi-impersonal  verb  must  once  have  been  as  common 
in  the  Germanic  tongues  as  we  find  it  to  have  been  in  the 
classical  languages."  ^  In  support  of  this  he  cites  passages 
from  Gothic  which  have  been  pointed  out  as  most  probably 
due  to  the  influence  of  the  Greek  original,  and  he  adds  a 
single  example  from  English,  "  god  is  its  her  to  heonnef 
rendered  by  Wyclif  '^  it  is  good  us  to  he  here''  which  trans- 
lates the  "  bonum  est  nos  hie  esse  "  of  the  Vulgate.  In  order 
to  establish  a  connection  between  this  construction  and  the 
so-called  '^  inorganic  jor,"  it  is  necessary  for  Stoffel  to  prove 

*  Baldwin  {Inflection  and  Syntax  of  Malory,  §  241  ff . )  agrees  with  Einenkel 
as  to  the  origin  of  the  construction,  and  also  ascribes  its  anomalous  form  to 
the  decay  of  the  dative  inflection,  but  he,  like  Jespersen,  is  aware  of  instances 
in  which  the  substantive  is  in  the  nominative  case,  and  his  explanation  of  this 
development  is  not  convincing. 

2  Studies  in  English,  49  ff. 

^^  Stoffel,  55. 


116 

a  transition  from  the  accusative  case  to  the  dative,  and  this 
is  no  easy  matter.  "  To  me/'  he  says  in  generously  spaced 
letters,  '^  there  is  hardly  any  doubt  that  '  inorganic  for ' 
came  into  use  as  a  substitute  for  a  dative  case,  which  to  the 
consciousness  of  Middle  English  speakers,  had  taken  the 
place  of  the  original  accusative  in  such  a  sentence  as  '  It  is 
good  us  to  be  here.'  "  ^  The  obvious  objection  to  this  state- 
ment is  that  it  ignores  the  undoubted  priority  of  the  dative 
construction.  To  prove  the  possibility  of  such  a  substitu- 
tion Stoffel  makes  use  of  the  very  convenient  loss  of  English 
inflections,  and  he  adduces  the  very  unreliable  Gothic  as  a 
parallel.  The  conditio  sine  qua  non,  he  adds,  for  the  substi- 
tution of  the  dative  for  the  accusative  is  that  the  predicate 
of  the  principal  sentence  should  admit  a  dative  complement, 
and  this  condition  is  fulfilled  by  English  verbs  such  as  is 
fair,  is  a  great  chance,  is  good,  etc.^ 

Having  thus  satisfied  himself  of  the  probability  of  the 
transition,  StofPel  proceeds  to  describe  its  manner.  ''  There 
must  have  been  a  time  somewhere  in  the  fifteenth  century, 
when  it  began  to  be  felt  that  in  our  Middle  English  construc- 
tion the  noun  or  pronoun  preceding  the  infinitive  could  no 
longer  be  looked  upon  as  an  accusative.  An  accusative  even 
if  accompanied  by  an  infinitive,  as  the  subject  of  the  sen- 
tence, it  was  too  absurd ! ''  ^  (Why  should  it  suddenly  have 
become  absurd  in  the  fifteenth  century,  and  not  before?) 
Two  developments  were  possible :  first,  the  substitution  of  the 
nominative,  now  obsolete;  secondly,  the  interpretation  of  the 
substantive  as  a  dative,  directly  connected  with  the  main 
verb,  thus  leaving  the  infinitive  by  itself  to  perform  the  func- 
tion of  logical  subject  of  the  sentence.  Since  an  unmarked 
dative  is  against  the  genius  of  an  uninflected  language,  the 
preposition  for,  which  was  rapidly  encroaching  on  to,  was 
pitched  upon  to  mark  the  case.     "  Such,  I  am  firmly  con- 


Ub.,  60. 
^Stoffel,  61. 


117 

vinced,  is  the  origin  of  for  +  Ace.  cum.  Infin.,  which  at 
the  beginning  of  the  XV  century  we  have  found  to  come 
into  use  as  the  logical  subject  of  a  sentence."  ^  The  use  of 
the  locution  in  cases  where  there  is  no  underlying  dative 
relation  constitutes  a  return  to  Middle  English  practice ;  the 
for  is  here  utterly  redundant,  and  the  expression  is  placed 
at  the  head  of  the  sentence  to  emphasize  its  function  of  sub- 
ject and  to  lay  stress  on  the  fact  that  there  is  no  con- 
nection between  for  -{-  accusative  and  the  main  verb.^ 

The  weak  points  of  StoffeFs  explanation  are  quite  obvious. 
It  starts  from  a  construction,  that  of  the  accusative  and  infi- 
nitive with  impersonal  verbs,  which  cannot  be  shown  to  have 
had  any  existence  in  English.  The  account  of  the  transi- 
tion from  an  accusative  to  a  dative  is  neither  clearer  nor 
more  convincing  than  Einenkel's  account  of  the  transition 
from  a  dative  to  an  accusative.  A  new  examination  of  this 
construction  is  therefore  not  out  of  place.  It  seems  to  me 
that  the  explanation  of  the  various  case-forms  in  which  the 
substantive  appears  is  to  be  sought,  not  in  some  improbable 
and  far-fetched  theory  of  a  transition  from  one  case  to 
another,  but  in  a  variety  of  sources,  and  that  three  such 
sources  can  be  clearly  distinguished. 

(1)  One  of  the  most  important  of  these  is  the  substan- 
tive use  of  the  infinitive  as  subject  of  a  neuter  verb : 

to  do  thus,  were  to  me  a  full  noyous  bond  to  be 

bounden  with  Exam,  of  Sir  Wm.  of  Thorpe.^ 

Grevous  to  me,  god  wot,  is /or  to  tmnne  Troilus,  iv,  904. 

Often,  for  the  sake  of  emphasis,  the  infinitive  is  to  a  certain 
extent  detached  from  the  predicate,  and  sometimes  an  antici- 
patory subject  is  introduced: 

Ub.,  62. 

'^Stoffel's  explanation  is  followed  by  Franz :  Sh.  Grarnm.,  380,  and  by  the 
New  English  Dictionary  (see  under /or  18). 

^  Pollard  :  Fifteenth  Century  Prose  and  Verse,  113. 


118 

to  swear  by  any  creature,  both  GOD's  Law  and 

man's  law  is  against  Exam,  of  Sir  Wm.  of  Thorpe.^ 

&  Hs  is  luciferis  pride,  stynkynge  ypocrisie  and 
anticristis  blasphemy e,  to  crie  and  meyntene 
>at  suche  ben  able  curatis  and  grete  men  of 
holy  chirche  Wyclif,  24. 

and  >is  is  foule  ypocrisie  to  make  men  holden 
hem  holy  whanne  \>ei  stynken  bifore  god  for 
old  endured  synne  lb.,  25. 

These  are  all  general  statements.  If,  now,  it  is  desired  to 
associate  a  substantive  with  the  action  of  the  infinitive,  in 
order  to  limit  it  or  make  it  more  specific,  what  course  was 
followed  ?  J^euter  verbs  joined  with  certain  nouns  or  adjec- 
tives admitted  the  employment  of  a  dative  of  advantage  or 
disadvantage,  and  in  such  cases  the  dative  was  felt  as  logi- 
cally, if  not  syntactically,  the  subject  of  the  action  expressed 
by  the  infinitive : 

Eow  is  geseald  to  witanne  Godes  rices  gerynu     Bright' s  Reader,  2,  4. 

Men  seyn,  *'  to  wrecche  is  consolacioun 

To  have  an-other  felawe  in  his  peyne"  Troilus,  i,  708. 

but  yet  it  hardere  is  to  me 
To  seen  that  sorwe  which  that  he  is  inne  lb.,  iv,  905. 

a  ful  gret  negligence 
Was  hit  to  thee,  to  write  unstedfastnesse 
Of  women  L.  G.  W.,  A.  525. 

yit  is  it  bet /or  me 
For  to  be  deed  in  wyfly  honestee  lb.,  2700. 

But  not  all  predicates  admit  the  employment  of  a  dative  of 
advantage,  as  in  the  sentence 

to  swear  by  any  creature,  both  GOD's  Law  and  man's  law  is  against. 

Most  frequently  is  this  true  when  the  element  joined  with 
the  neuter  verb  is  a  prepositional  phrase  or  a  noun.     In  such 

1 16.,  112. 


119 

a  case  the  obvious  way  of  indicating  the  subject  of  the  infini- 
tive is  by  placing  the  substantive  directly  before  it  in  the 
normal  subject  position,  and  in  the  normal  subject  case,  the 
nominative : 

A  carpenter  to  be  a  knyght 

That  was  ever  ageyne  ryght.  Halliwell :  Nugae  Poet.,  17.^ 

It  is  quite  clear,  from  this  illustration,  that  the  substantive 
has  a  force  entirely  distinct  from  that  which  would  be  con- 
veyed by  placing  it  in  the  dative  case  after  ageyne  ryght, 
and  the  locution  thus  introduced  was  therefore  a  distinct 
acquisition  for  the  language.^  That  the  locution  came  into 
use  actually  in  this  simple  way  seems  to  be  borne  out  by 
examples  like  the  following : 

For  gif  it  be  symonye  a  clerk  to  serue  a  lord  for  a 
benefice  &  \>e  lord  to  resceyue  J>erfore  gold  or  gold 
worjj,  bi  J?e  same  skil  it  is  symonye  to  serue  the 
pope  in  sich  a  straunge  tiaueile  and  contre      Wyclif,  66. 

And  yet  to  have  that  good  purpose  all  their  life, 
seemeth  me  no  more  harm  the  while,  than  a 
poor  beggar  that  hath  never  a  penny,  to  think 
that  if  he  had  great  substance,  he  would 
give  great  alms  for  god's  sake  More,  35. 

There  is  one  way  to  go  surely,  that  is,  to  set 
lyttell  by  thynges  worldly,  and  a  manne  to  holde 
hym  contented  onely  with  honestie  Elyot :  Bank,  of  Sap. ,  10b. 

To  labour  in  vayne,  and  a  man  weryenge  hym 
selfe  to  gette  nought  but  displeasure  is  ex- 
treme peuyshenes  lb.,  30. 

iMatzner  :  Gram.,  Ill,  22. 

^  The  naturalness  of  this  usage  is  attested  by  the  recurrence  of  the  construc- 
tion in  modern  English : 

Apollo  himself  to  turn  out  of  his  own  temple, 
in  the  very  age  of  Sophocles,  such  Birming- 
ham hexameters  as  sometimes  astonished 
Greece,  was  like  an  English  court  keeping 
a  Stephen  Duck,  etc. 

De  Quincey,  Style,  Edinburgh,  1862,  p.  203. 


120 

A  man  doynge  a  trespasse  ayenst  almighty  god 
&  lye  longe  in  it  offendeth  more  greuously 
than  ....  Fisher,  203,  26. 

Even  more  significant  in  relation  to  this  point  are  two  ex- 
amples of  this  construction  in  Chaucer's  translation  of  Boe- 
thius,  which  are  not  in  imitation  of  an  accusative  with 
infinitive  of  the  original. 

Thou  seidest  eek,  by  the  mouth  of  the  same  * 

Plato,  that  it  was  a  neeessarie   cause,  wyse 

men  to  taken  and  desire  the  governaunce  of 

comune  thinges  134,  36. 

Tu  eiusdem  viri  ore  hanc  sapientibus  capessendae 

reipublicae  necessariam  caussam  esse  monuisti 

And  yif  it  seme  a  fair  thing,  a  man  to  han 

encresed  and  spred  his  name,  than  folweth  it 

that  it  is  demed  to  ben  a  foul  thing,  yif  it  ne 

be  y-sprad  and  encresed  161al9. 

Quod  si  hoc  ipsum  propagasse  nomen  pulcrum 

videtur,  consequens  est,  ut  foedum  non  extendisse  iudicetur 

In  the  second  sentence  ipsum,  as  well  as  hoc,  agrees  with 
nomen,  thus  leaving  propagasse  alone  as  the  subject  of  the 
sentence.  If,  then,  we  wished  to  attribute  to  the  influence 
of  the  original  Chaucer's  translation  of  the  phrase  by  a 
substantive  with  infinitive,  we  should  have  to  impute  to  him 
an  imperfect  understanding  of  the  Latin  text. 

But  the  use  of  the  nominative  with  infinitive  is  by  no 
means  limited  to  those  predicates  which  admit  no  dative 
of  advantage.  As  has  been  pointed  out,  the  function  of  the 
nominative  is  distinct  from  that  of  the  dative,  and  the  use 
of  one  in  no  way  precludes  the  employment  of  the  other  in 
the  same  clause.  This  appears  clearly  from  the  following 
sentences,  the  predicates  of  which  allow  a  dative  case,  but 
either  omit  it  or  employ  it  in  addition  to  the  nominative 
and  infinitive,  according  to  the  requirements  of  each  par- 
ticular case. 


121 

Wiche  is  an  en  sample  })at  it  is  not  good  akynge 

to  ouer  sore  charge  his  peple  Sir  John  Fortescue,  133.  ^ 

a  barons  childe  to  be  begyled,  it  were  a  cursed  dede       Nut-brown  Maid.^ 

For  hit  is  to  \>e  soules  biheue, 

Ech  man  to  knowen  his  bileue  On  Seven  Deadly  Sins,  21.' 

A  kinges  sone  to  ben  in  swich  prisoun 

And  be  devoured,  thoughte  hem  gret  pitee  L.  G.  TT.,  1975. 

(2)  This  tendency  toward  the  formation  of  a  clear  nomi- 
native with  infinitive  construction  as  the  subject  of  a  neuter 
verb  was  reinforced  from  another  direction.  There  is  found, 
in  Middle  English,  an  independent  infinitive  in  expressions 
indicating  surprise  or  some  other  strong  emotion,  amount- 
ing almost  to  an  exclamation : 

"Horaste!  alias!  and/aZsen  Troilus? 
I  knowe  him  not,  god  helpe  me  so,"  quod  she.     TroiliLS,  ni,  806. 

With  this  infinitive,  as  with  the  one  discussed  above,  there 
may  be  associated  a  substantive  in  the  nominative  case.  To 
this  completed  exclamation,  moreover,  there  may  be  joined, 
either  to  precede  or  follow,  a  declaratory  sentence  which  gives 
a  more  precise  and  definite  expression  to  the  emotion: 

O  lord  !  what  a  tokene  of  mekenesse  &  forsakynge 
of  worldly  richesses  is  J)is ;  a  prelat  as  an  abott 
or  a  priour,  >at  is  ded  to  J>e  world  &  pride  & 
vanyte  >er-of,  to  ride  wij>  foure  score  hors  .  .  . 
&  to  spende  .  .  .  bol^e  t>ousand  markis  and 
pound  es  Wyclif,  60. 

"J.  kinges  sone,  and  eek  a  knight,^ ^  quod  she, 

"  To  been  my  servant  in  so  low  degree, 

God  shilde  hit,  for  the  shame  of  women  alle  ! " 

L.  G.  TF.,  2080. 

Is  this  a  fair  avaunt?    Is  this  honour? 

A  man  himself  accuse  thus  and  defame  !  Occleve  :  Letter  of  Cupid.* 

^  Ed.  Plummer. 

^  Skeat  :  Specimens  of  Eng.  Lit. ,  105. 

^  Englische  Siudien,  IX,  43. 

*  Pollard,  15th  Cent.  Prose  &  Verse,  16. 


122 

What  ioy  is  me  to  here !    A  lad  to  sesse  my  stall ! 

Townley,  169,  111. 

ihu  make  me  a  knyght,  that  were  on  the  newe  ! 

Digby,  14,  338. 

A  man  to  haue  Ais  sight,  born  starke  blinde, 

From  Adam's  Creation  where  shall  we  fynde  ?    J6.,  172,  40. 

I  to  here  a  childe  that  xal  here  alle  blisse 

And  have  myn  hosbond  ageyn  ;  ho  my  the  have  joys  more? 

Coventry,  77.* 
So  yonge  a  childe  suche  clergye  to  reche, 
and  so  sadly  to  say  it,  we  wondyr  sore  lb.,  193. 

The  exclamatory  emotion  is  still  distinctly  perceptible, 
though  in  a  somewhat  weakened  form,  in  sentences  like  the 
following : 

That  were  shame  vnto  the  sayd  syre  launcelot, 
thou  an  armed  knyghte  to  slee  a  naked  man 
by  treason  Malory,  209,  7. 

Never  hast  bee  seyn  ne  shall  be  after  this, 

Suche  cruell  rigore  to  the  kinge  of  blisse  ; 

The  lord  that  made  all, 

Thus  to  suffere  in  his  humanitee. 

And  that  only  for  our  iniquitee  !  Digby,  175,  102. 

a  maydn  to  here  a  chyld,  I  wys, 

Without  mans  seyde,  that  were  ferly  Townley,  187,  29. 

It  should  be  noted  how  these  latter  examples  tend  to  approxi- 
mate those  of  the  first  class,  and  how  in  the  few  citations 
below  the  two  constructions  become  practically  indistin- 
guishable. 

A  more  meruell  men  neuer  saw 

then  now  is  sene  vs  here  emang 
ffrom  erth  til  heuen  a  man  be  drawe 

With  myrth  of  angell  sang  Townley,  363,  326. 

This  is  a  febyll  fare, 
A  seke  man  and  a  sare 

To  here  of  sich  a  fray  lb.,  161,  31. 

^Matzner  :  G'mm.,  Ill,  22. 


123 

What  a  fawte  it  was, 

The  seruaunte,  alas, 

His  master  to  forsake!  Dlghy^  210,  1157. 

It  is  a  straunge  thynge  an  old  man  to  take  a 

yonge  wyfiE  Coventnj,  95.^ 

Nou  is  Hs,  seide  )?at  on,  gret  scharae,  ic  understonde, 

An  emperour  to  siche  aboute  so  wide  in  eche  londe    St.  Catherine,  75.' 

According  to  our  interpretation,  it  is  possible  to  construe 
most  of  the  expressions  with  neuter  verbs  as  cases  of  nomi- 
native with  infinitive.  After  these  are  differentiated  from 
the  mass,  a  small  and  well-defined  residuum  is  left  which 
needs  to  be  accounted  for  in  another  way.  The  general 
characteristics  of  the  former  class  are  first,  that  the  predi- 
cate verb  is  practically  always  neuter,  not  impersonal,  the 
copula  being  more  usually  joined  with  a  noun  than  with 
an  adjective.  In  the  second  place,  the  predicate  verb  is 
never  considered  in  relation  to  the  substantive  which  is 
joined  with  the  infinitive,  but  is  felt  either  universally  or 
in  relation  to  another  object  which  is  definitely  expressed 
in  the  dative  case. 

is  hit  nu  wisdom  mon  to  don  so  wo  him  suluen    Ancren  Riwle,  364.' 

"Sowgte  ^is  quead,  ''  hu  ma  it  ben, 

Adam  ben  king  and  eue  quuen^^  Gen.-Ex.,  295. 

"Sor  was  nogt  wune  on  &  on, 

'^at  orfSor  to  water  gon  lb.,  1639. 

Quat  laban,  "  long  wune  is  her  driuen, 

fii-mest  on  elde,  first  ben  giuen  lb.,  1681. 

For  hit  is  vncou}?  &  vnwone 

\>efadir  to  bicome  \>e  sone  Curs.  Mundi,  10139. 


ffor  it  es  a  velany  a  man  for  to  be  ci 

arrayde  apone  his  heuede  with  perre  and 
precyous  stones,  and  all  his  body  be 
nakede  and  bare  KoUe  of  Hampole.* 

^Miitzner:  Gram.,  Ill,  22. 
^  Wiilcker :  Altenglisches  Lesebuch,  p.  14. 
^  Jespersen  :  Gr.  &  Str.  of  Eng.,  209  note. 
*  Matzner  :  Sprachproben,  1 38,  26. 


124 

ffor  it  is  a  presumpcione  a  man  by  his  awene 
wytt  for  to  prese  to  mekill  into  knawing  of 
gastly  thynges  Koile  of  Hampole.^ 

It  is  a  fendis  pride  a  synful  creature  to  putte 
defautte  in  }>e  ordynaunce  of  crist  Wyclif,  3. 

For  god  sei>  be  ysaye  J^at  a  man  to  turmente  his 
hed  and  peyne  his  bodi  only  is  not  J^at  fast  be 
whiche  god  chees,  but  bis  is  >e  fast  bat  god 
ches  ;  a  man  to  breke  be  bondis  of  synne  &  do 
werkis  of  mercy  to  poore  men  &  nedi  lb.,  25. 

bei  demen  it  dedly  synne,  a  prest  to  fulfille  be 
ordynaunce  of  god  in  his  fredom  wib-oute 
nouelrie  of  synful  men  76.,  193. 

pat  hit  was  to  wordliche 

Or  elles  to  muche  loue  of  flesche 

A  mon  to  kepe  him  self  to  nessche  St.  Bernard,  332.  ^ 

Goddes  sone  to  lugge  bare 

And  leten  a  bef  to  lyue  gon, 

Bernard,  bis  was  a  sori  fare, 

Such  dom  hedde  neuer  no  mon  !      Minor  Poems  of  Vernon  MS.,  p.  308.' 

Therfor  hit  ys  a  gret  peril 

Schipmen  for  to  liste  thertjl  Eobt.  of  Brunne,  1462.* 

pei  thowt  it  was  enow,  quan  bei  schuld  speke, 
A  kyng  to  be  lord  owyr  thys  a-lone 

Capgrave  :  Life  of  St.  Katherine,  24,  139-9.* 

And  bat  bis  synne  in  yow  schuld  not  be  sene, 

A  kynges  doghtyr  to  dey  bothe  mayd  &  qween        lb.,  144,  1077. 

Oure  goddis  may  seyn  that  we  been  on-keende, 

ffor  alle  the  benefetes  that  thei  to  vs  sende 

We  to  suffre  the  yougthe  of  woman-keende 

Thus  openly  crist  for  to  commende 

And  al  his  treson  with  colouris  to  defende, 

Oure  goddis  eke  deueles  for  to  calle — 

This  suffre  we,  and  that  is  werst  of  alle.  lb.,  307,  1422. 

^Matzner;  Sprachproben,  149,  33. 

'  Horstmann  :  Altenglische  Legenden,  47. 

^Ed.  Horstman,  E.  E.  T.  S.,  98. 

^Anglia,  IX,  43. 

^E.  E.  T.  S.,  vol.  100. 


125 


Ac  it  is  but  selden  yseye  \>ere  sothenesse  bereth  witnesse, 

Any  creature  >at  is  coupable  afore  a  kynges  iustice 

Be  raunsoned  for  his  repentaunce  Piers  PL,  xvii,  299, 

Poule  preueth  it  impossible  riche  men  to  haue 
heuene  lb.,  x,  336. 

For  certeinly,  the  firste  poynt  is  this 

Of  noble  corage  and  wel  ordeyne, 

A  man  to  have  pees  with  him-self,  y-wis  Troilus,  i,  891. 

For  trewely  I  holde  it  greet  deyntee 

A  kinges  sone  in  armes  wel  to  do, 

And  been  of  good  condiciouns  ther-to  lb.,  ii,  164, 

It  is  oon  of  the  thinges  that  furthereth  most, 

A  man  to  have  a  leyser  for  to  preye, 

And  siker  place  his  wo  for  to  biwreye  lb.,  u,  1368. 

Now  were  it  tyme  a  lady  to  go  henna  lb.,  in,  630. 

Now  is  this  bet,  than  bothe  two  be  lorn  lb.,  iii,  1223. 

The  worst  kinde  of  infortune  is  this, 

A  man  to  have  ben  in  prosperitee, 

And  it  remembren,  when  it  passed  is  Troilus,  in,  1626. 

For  it  were  better  worthy,  trewely, 

A  wei-m  to  com^n  in  my  sight  than  thou  L.  G.  W.,  A,  243. 

This  is  the  sentence  of  the  philosophre : 

A  king  to  kepe  his  liges  in  justyce  ; 

With-outen  doute,  that  is  his  offyce  76.,  365. 

No  wonder  is  a  tewed  mxin  to  ruste  C.  T.,  A,  502. 

But  it  is  good  a  man  ben  at  his  large  lb. ,  2288. 

It  is  ful  fair  a  man  to  bere  him  evene  lb.,  1523, 

Lo,  swich  it  is  a  miller  to  be  fals I  lb.,  4318. 

ther  is  a  maner  garnison  that  no  man  may 
vanquisse  ne  disconfite,  and  that  is,  a 
lord  to  be  bileved  of  hise  citizeins  and  of  his 
peple  lb.,  B,  2528. 

It  is  a  woodnesse  a  man  to  stryve  with  a  stranger 

or  a  more  mighty  man  than  he  is  him-self        lb.,  2671. 

no-thing  ...  is  so  muchel  agayns  nature,  as  a 
man  to  encressen  his  owene  profit  to  the  harm 
of  another  man  i 6.,  2776. 


126 


It  is  a  gret  worscliipe,  a  man  to  kepe  him  fro 

noyse  and  stryfe  Ch.  Melibeus.^ 

i  ^ 
certes  it  is  a  full  greet  folye  a  man  to  pryden 

him  in  any  of  hem  alle  C.  T.,  i,  456. 

Another  is,  a  man  to  have  a  noble  herte  J6.,  469.- 

a  man  to  pryde  him  in  the  goodes  of  grace  is  eek 

an  outrageous  folye  lb. ,  470. 

The  thridde  grevance  is  a  man  to  have  haim  in 

his  body  16.,  666. 

if  it  be  a  foul  thing,  a  man  to  waste  his  catel  on 

wommen,  yet  is  it  a  fouler  thing  whan  ...    lb.,  849. 

It  is  a  greet  folye,  a  womman  to  have  a  fair  array 

outward  and  in  hir-self  be  foul  inward  lb.,  935. 

Forthi  good  is,  whil  a  man  may, 

Echon  to  sette  pes  with  other 

And  loven  as  his  oghne  brother  Conf.  Am.,  Prol.  1048. 

Lo  now,  my  sone,  what  it  is, 

A  man  to  caste  his  yhe  amis  lb.,  i,  379. 

Men  to  say  well  of  women,  it  is  the  best : 

And  naught  for  to  despise  them,  ne  deprave        Occleve  :  Letter  of  C.^ 

The  werste  kynde  of  wrecchednesse  is, 

A  man  to  have  been  weelful  or  this  De  Hey.  Princ. ,  55. 

Nay  s^thely,  sone,  it  is  al  a-mys  me  Hnky>  ; 

So  pomx  a  wight  his  lord  to  counterfete 

In  his  array,  in  my  conceyit  it  stynkith  De  Beg.  Princ.,  435. 

Good  is  a  mxin  eschewe  swich  a  powke  lb.,  1921. 

Perillous  is,  a  mrni  his  feith  to  breke  lb.,  2222. 

A  !  lord,  what  it  is  fair  and  honurable, 
A  kyng  from  mochil  speche  him  refreyne 

lb.,  2416  ;  2423  ;  2712  ;  2424  ;  3971  ;  3951  ;  4574. 

it  is  better  that  we  slee  a  coward  than  thorow 
a  coward  alle  we  to  be  slayne  Malory,  60,  8. 


^Matzner:  Sprachproben,  401,  5.     Skeat  (1.  2675)  has  "worship  to  a  man." 
^Pollard:  Fifteenth  Century  Prose  and  Verse,  20. 


127 

for  it  is  gods  wyll  youre  body  to  be  punysshed 

for  your  fowle  dedes  lb.,  67,  10. 

it  semeth  not  (  =  is  not  likely)  yoiv  to  spede  there 

as  other  haue  f allied  J6.,  77,  34. 

It  is  the  customme  of  my  Countrey  a  knyghte 

alweyes  to  kepe  his  wepen  with  hym  76.,  92,  23. 

I  calle  hit  foly  knyghtes  to  abyde  whan  they  be 

ouermatched  lb.,  172,  12. 

Thou  to  hue  that  loueth  not  the  is  but  grete  foly    lb.,  237,  17. 

Thou  to  lye  by  our  moder  is  to  moche  shame  for 
vstosuffre  76.,  453,  4. 

Loo,  what  it  is  a  man  to  haue  connynge  Skelton,  i,  36.  ^ 

No  merwell  is  a  man  be  lik  a  best  Henryson  :  Fables.'^ 

His  folke  .  .  .  putte  hem  self  vpon  their  enmyes, 
so  that  it  was  force  the  polony  ens  to  recule  abak 

Caxton  :  Blanchardyn,  107,  16.  ^ 

It  is  better  a  man  wysely  to  be  stylle  than  folysshly 

tospeke  Caxton:   Charles  the  Grete,  93,  5.^ 

Yf  I  retorne  wythoute  to  auenge  my  barons,  I 
shall  do  pourely,  sythe  they  haue  susteyned 
and  borne  up  the  Crowne  Imperial  and  my 
wylle,  and  I  now  to  retorne  wythoute  to  avenge 
them.     He  that  gaf  me  suche  counceyll  loueth 
me  but  lytel,  I  se  wel  lb.,  16,  14.' 

It  is  shame  you  to  bete  hym  Townley,  237,  296. 

This  bewteose  lord  to  bryng  to  me, 

his  awene  seruande,  this  is  no  skyll, 
A  knyght  to  baptyse  his  lord  kyng, 

My  pauste  may  it  not  fulfyll  Townley,  198,  125. 

Ther  may  not  be  lightly  a  greter  trispesse. 

Then  the  seruaunt  his  master  to  denye  Digby,  210,  1147. 

Ther-for  it  is  the  best, 

Ych  on  of  vs  a  diuerse  way  to  take  lb.,  209,  1125. 

^Ed.  Dyce. 

^  Gregory  Smith  :  Specimens  of  Middle  Scots,  3. 
^.Ed.  Kellner  in  E.  E.  T.  S.;  see  introduction,  Ixx. 


128 


It  is  not  conuenient  a  man  to  he  ther  women 

gon  in  travalynge  Coventry,  149.^ 

It  was  never  the  maner,  by  dere  worthi  God, 
A  yoman  to  pay  for  a  knyght  Gest  of  Bobyn  Hode.^ 

''It  were  greate  shame,"  sayde  Kobyn, 
' '  A  knight  alone  to  ryde ' '  Ib.^ 

it  sholde  be  profytable  and  necessarye  the  pyte 

of  god  to  be  purchased  for  vs  Fisher,  73,  20. 

it  is  meruayle  this  lyne  to  be  so  longe  holden  vp 

by  his  power  and  mageste  lb.,  92,  34. 

what  dooth  it  profyte  the  secrete  mysteryes  of 
hym  to  be  shewed  and  made  open  to  vs  lb. ,  109,  4. 

But  it  is  not  ynough  all  synnes  to  be  done  awaye    lb.,  117,  8. 

And  it  is  of  a  trouth  the  water  and  the  oyle  to  haue 
no  strength  of  theyr  owne  nature  lb.,  109,  30. 

It  is  impossyble  synnes  to  be  done  away  by  theffusyon 
of  gotes  blode  or  bulles  lb.,  126,  134. 

The  gretest  charyte  &  loue  that  may  be  shewed  is 
onefrende  wyllyngly  to  suffre  deth  for  an  other 

lb.,  138,  35. 

Take  hede  how  conuenyently  it  agreeth  with  holy 

scrypture  this  virgyn  to  be  called  a  mornynge      lb.,  49,  23. 

God  wist  that  it  was  nothing  meet  the  servant  to 
stand  in  better  condition  than  his  master  More,  29. 

any  man  to  chide  once  any  of  them  for  a  hundred 
heresies,  that  were  utter  wrong  and  no  lawful 
law  lb.,  366  H. 

for  sith  I  see  well  that  that  thynge  wyll  not  bee, 
better  it  is  I  reken  there  be  triacle  redy,  then 
the  poison  to  tary  and  no  triacle  for  it  lb.,  356  F. 

it  seemeth  impossible  a  countrey  nat  to  be  well  gouerned 
by  good  lawes  Elyot,  26. 

^  Matzner  :  Grammar,  III,  22. 

2  Guramere  :  Old  English  Ballads,  6. 

3/6.,  12. 


129 


And  what  pleasure  and  also  utilitie  is  it  to  a  man 
which  intendeth  to  edifie,  himselfe  to  expresse  the 
figure  of  the  warke  that  he  purposeth  76.,  45. 

I  suppose  this  to  be  the  very  trewe  lawe  of 
araitie,  a  man  to  hue  his  frende  no  lesse 
nor  no  more  than  he  loueth  hymselfe  Elyot :  Bank  of  Sap.,  3. 

It  is  a  fowle  thynge  a  man  to  tell  moche  of  hym 
selfe,  specially  that  whiche  is  false  lb. ,  7b. 

It  agreeth  not  with  reason,  that  he'^  whom  feare 
can  not  vanquysshe,  to  be  subdeived  with 
couetyse,  or  he  which  can  be  ouercome 
with  no  pcyne,  to  be  vanguyshed  with  carnal 
affection  lb.,  9. 

A  man  to  perceyue  that  he  is  ignorant,  is  a 

token  of  wysedome  lb.,  28b. 

Plinius  hath  thys  very  notable  sentence,  that 
one  to  helpe  an  other,  is  a  meet  comelinesse 
in  the  mortal  kynde  of  man  Leland  :  New  Year's  Gift,  101. 

For  as  Vlpianus  reporteth  in  his  Pandectes, 
it  is  all  one,  a  thynge  not  to  be,  and  not  to 
apere  to  the  commen  vse  1  b. 

And  yet  all  this  to  be  sylenced  by  all  the  ancient 
wryters  of  the  same  country  ...  is  so  strange, 
that  it  may  well  seem  impossible  for  any  such 
thing  to  have  been  Verstegan,  91 . 

This  coniuncture  to  haue  remayned  for  some 
space  after  the  great  and  general  deluge, 
and  the  breach  and  separation  of  Albion 
from  Gallia  by  the  said  deluge  not  to  have 
been  caused,  is  by  sundry  reasons  to  bee  proued     76. ,  100. 

assuredly  his  mother  witte  wrought  this  wonder, 
the  childe  to  disprayse  his  father,  the  dogg  to  byte 
his  mayster  for  his  dainty  morcell  Lodge  :  Defence  of  Poetry.^ 

It  is  the  lesser  blot,  modesty  finds. 

Women  to  change  their  shapes,  than  men  their  minds 

Two  Gent,  V,  iv,  108. 

^The  nominative  case  may  here  be  due  to  a  slight  contamination,  suggested 
by  the  introduction  of  that. 

^  Gregory  Smith  :  Elizabethan  Critical  Essays,  i,  64. 

9 


130 


which  ... 
Is  all  as  monstrous  to  our  human  reason 
As  my  Antigonus  to  break  his  grave  W.  T. ,  V,  i,  40. 

I  to  hear  this  is  some  burden  Timon,  II,  iii,  266. 

Thou  this  to  hazard,  needs  must  intimate 

Skill  infinite  or  monstrous  desperate  AWs  Well,  II,  i,  186. 

A  heavier  task  could  not  have  been  imposed 

Than  I  to  speak  my  griefs  unspeakable  Errors,  1,  i,  33. 

(3)  There  is  a  distinct  group  of  examples,  in  which  the 
substantive  is  without  doubt  of  dative  origin,  although  the 
form  of  the  pronoun  in  these  cases  has  been  employed  by 
some  as  an  argument  in  favor  of  the  accusative  interpreta- 
tion. This  is  the  construction  after  impersonal  verbs,  where 
the  substantive  is  originally  closely  united  with  the  predicate 
verb,  e.  g.. 

It  sit  a  prest  to  be  wet  thewed  Conf.  Am.,  i,  273. 

Sometimes  the  substantive  happens  to  be  separated  from  the 
predicate  verb  by  other  expressions,  and  on  such  occasions 
there  is  a  tendency  to  associate  the  substantive  with  the  in- 
finitive, forming  a  locution  which  at  first  sight  is  not  dis- 
tinguishable from  the  one  employed  after  neuter  verbs : 

For  wel  sit  it,  the  sothe  for  to  seyne, 

A  woful  toight  to  han  a  drery  fere  Troilus,  i,  12. 

In  the  following  examples  the  feeling  for  the  dative  varies 
in  distinctness,  but  is  never  quite  absent. 

Bettre  it  is  and  more  it  availleth  a  man  to  have 
a  good  name,  than  for  to  have  grete  richesses  C  T.,  B,  2828. 

And  thilke  folk  that  ben  blisful,  it  accordeth 
and  is  convenable  to  ben  goddes  Ch.  JBoeth.,  179,  53. 

it  myshapped  me  to  be  sore  wounded  Malory,  286,  27. 


131 

And  thogh  it  happene  sum  of  hem,  be  fortune, 
to  gon  out,  thei  conen  no  maner  of  langage 
but  Ebrew  Mandeville.^ 

When  hit  happith  the  herte  to  hente  the  edder       Depos.  of  Rich.  11.^ 

he  deuised,  that  if  it  fortuned  the  queue  to  he 
delyuered  of  a  sonne  .  .  .  and  if  it  fortune 
ye  quene  to  haue  a  doughter  Berners :  Chronicle,  30.^ 

It  may  also  fortune  a  man  to  be  sory  for  his 
synne  &  to  be  confessed  of  the  same  Fisher,  32,  11. 

if  it  fortune  any  man  to  sinne  lb.,  412,  27. 

if  it  missehappe  any  man  to  fall  in  such  a  fond 
afleccion  More,  357  A. 

After  certain  adjectives  compounded  with  neuter  verbs, 
an  unmarked  dative  may  be  employed,  as  in  the  following 
instances: 

Betere  were  a  ryche  mon 

For  te  spouse  a  god  woman, 

Thah  hue  be  sum  del  pore, 

Then  te  bringe  into  his  hous 

A  proud  quene  ant  dangerous, 

That  is  sum  del  hore.  Proverbs  of  Hending,  280.*^ 

hard  hit  was  hem  to  abyde  *  Curs.  Mundi,  2398. 

Unkinde  were  ous  to  kis  so  kenne  Sir  Tristrem,  iii,  42. 

It  sholde  not  be  suffred  me  to  erre  Troilus,  IV,  549. 

Now  was  this  child  as  lyk  un-to  Custance 

As  possible  is  a  creature  to  be  C.  T. ,  B,  1030. 

That  in  his  house  as  famulier  was  he 

As  it  possible  is  anyfreend  to  be  lb.,  1221. 

Now  is  it  right  me  to  procede. 

How  Shame  gan  medle  and  take  hede  Rom.  Rose,  3787. 

*  Morris  &  Skeat:  Specimens  of  Early  English,  II,  173. 
^  Matzner  :  Grammar,  III,  22. 

'  Krickau,  24. 

*  Matzner :  Sprachproben,  310. 

^  Cf. :  Nis  Jjset  unease  eallwealdan  gode  to  gefremmane    Andreas,  205. 


132 


O  Alisaundre  !  it  is  vncouenable, 

The  for  to  haue  of  peple  regyment  Be  Beg.  Princ,  3501. 

Nat  were  it  knyghtly,  me  to  \>e  consente  lb.,  2610. 

But  an  element  of  confusion  in  the  case  of  the  impersonal 
verbs  is  that  a  number  of  them  were  undergoing  a  change 
from  an  impersonal  to  a  personal  use,  as  may  be  seen  from 

what  neede  me  to  care  whatsoeuer  I  doe  ( Fisher,  382,  32)  and 
you  need  not  to  care  what  you  doe  (Fisher,  384,  10). 

It  seems  that  in  the  transition  there  is  a  group  of  examples 
in  which  the  it  is  retained  in  its  original  position  with  the 
verb,  while  the  substantive,  which  comes  to  be  felt  as  the 
subject  of  the  now  personal  verb,  follows  in  the  position 
ordinarily  occupied  by  the  dative.  The  construction  then 
presents  every  appearance  of  a  nominative  with  infinitive 
as  the  subject  of  an  impersonal  verb. 

>an  nedly  byhoves  be  punyst  syn, 

Outher  opon  erthe  or  with-in  Pr.  Con. ,  2864. 

And  that  happe  (=if  it  happen)  the  fundacion  of 

the  seyd  collage  to  take  to  noon  effecte  Paston  Letters,  i,  449. 

It  fortuneth  after  enemyes  to  come  and  lay  syege 
to  that  Cyte  Fisher,  261,  22. 

It  semeth  almyghty  god  to  be  in  maner  in  a  deed  slepe 

lb.,  170,  28. 

Laste  all  though  it  semeth  the  mornynge  to  be  a 
cause  of  the  sonne,  notwithstandynge  the  sonne 
without  doubte  is  the  cause  of  it  lb.,  48,  17. 

Yet  surely  if  it  shold  happen  any  boke  to  come  abrode 
in  the  name  of  hys  grace  or  hys  honorable  counsail 

More,  1422. 

It  happened  a  bataile  to  be  on  the  see  betwene  them 

Elyot,  180. 

And  verily  I  suppose,  if  there  mought  ones  happen 
some  man,  hauyng  an  excellent  wy  tte,  to  be  brought 
up  in  suche  forme  as  I  haue  hytherto  written  lb.,  153. 


133 


Another  fact  which  seems  to  point  to  a  dative  origin  for 
the  substantive  is  the  indiscriminate  use  of  the  dative,  marked 
by  the  preposition  to^  and  of  an  unmarked  substantive,  as 
illustrated  in  the  prose  of  Pecock.  The  two  locutions  are 
there  employed  after  the  same  adjectives  without  the  slight- 
est variation  in  meaning. 

If  it  like  to  eny  man  for  to  holde  142. 

It  is  forboduii  to  itsforto  vse  the  otliere  writingis 
dyuerse  fro  Holi  Scripture  211. 

It  is  bettir  to  a  man  forto  entre  sureli  into  lijf 
with  oon  yge  539. 

folia  hadde  be  to  al  thilk  Cristen  multitude  .  .  . 
forto  haue  storid  &  iresourid  to  hem  eny  grete 
possessiouns  318. 

it  is  not  perel  to  Cristen  men  neithir  to  the  lewis 
neither  to  hethen  men  forto  haue  and  entermete 
with  ymagis  of  God  249. 

it  is  ouer  hard  to  him  being  riche  for  to  entre        297. 

The  substantive  in  the  following  examples  may,  possibly, 
be  felt  as  a  dative,  though  such  an  interpretation  is  not 
absolutely  necessary. 

it  is  not  synne  a  man  forto  giue  ensample  to 
othere  men  168. 

a  man  for  to  smyte  and  bete  his  neigbour  ...  is 
no  synne  165. 

it  is  posible  a  .riehe  man  to  entre  into  the 
kingdom  of  heuen  296. 

it  is  profitable  and  speedful  ofte  tymes  a  man  forto 
speke  as  many  vsen  forto  speke  27. 

it  is  leeful  and  expedient  a  man  to  here  and  holde 

171. 

it  is  not  forbodun  of  God  eny  man  to  be  riche        297. 

how  hard  it  is  a  man  to  reule  his  tunge  422. 


134 

sithen  it  was  profitable  dekenes  to  be  in  the  clergie 

332. 

it  is  alloweable  me  for  to  seie  260. 

These  sentences,  it  is  plain,  in  no  way  resemble  those  in 
which  the  substantive  with  infinitive  is  the  subject  of  the 
neuter  verb,  since  the  substantive  here  is  closely  attached 
to  the  main  verb.  The  only  possible  significance  of  this  use 
of  the  unmarked  dative  is  that  when  the  feeling  for  the  case 
became  obscured,  and  the  substantive,  for  the  sake  of  em- 
phasis, was  placed  at  the  beginning  of  the  sentence,  it  was 
necessarily  construed  as  a  nominative  case  and  was  then 
merged  with  the  similar  construction  of  different  origin. 

(4)  There  still  remain  to  be  considered  a  few  facts 
which  seem  to  point  to  an  accusative  interpretation  of  the 
substantive.  The  Hereford-Wyclif  translation  of  the  Bible, 
a  very  literal  version,  sometimes  translates  a  Latin  accusative 
with  infinitive  by  a  similar  English  construction : 

non  est  bonum  hominem  esse  solum  Gen. ,  ii,  18. 

it  is  not  good  man  to  be  alone 

amarum  est  te  reliquisse  Jerem.,  ii,  19. 

bittir  it  is  thee  to  han  forsaken 

The  first  of  these  examples  is,  of  course,  neutral,  and,  to 
completely  counterbalance  the  weight  of  the  second,  the  same 
version  affords  us  an  instance  of  a  Latin  accusative  ren- 
dered by  an  English  nominative. 

notum  sit  isse  nos  Ezra,  v,  8. 

be  it  known  wee  to  han  go.^ 

Occasionally,  no  doubt,  an  isolated  writer,  saturated  with 
his  Latin  models  and  influenced  by  the  resemblance  of  the 
English  construction  to  the  Latin,  may  reproduce   a  real 

^HoUack  :  Vergl.  Stud,  zu  der  Her. -Wye.  und  Purv,  Bibelvhersetzung,  68. 


135 

accusative  with  infinitive.  Examples  of  such  imitation  are 
the  following  passages: 

Nis  it  bot  hert  breke, 

That  swithe  wele  finde  we, 
And  foly  ous  to  speke, 

Ani  word  againes  the  Sir  Tristrem,  ni,  64. 

Kynde  tellith  that  the  more  eldere  a  man 
waxith,  the  more  it  is  agen  kynde  hym 
for  to  pleyn  Sermon  against  Miracle  Pl.^ 

The  tendency  to  imitate  the  Latin  is  most  marked  in  the 
prose  of  Pecock,  who,  as  has  already  been  pointed  out,  is 
in  general  dominated  by  Latin  syntax.  His  prose  contains 
the  most  numerous  illustrations  of  the  accusative  with  infi- 
nitive after  impersonal  and  neuter  verbs. 

it  is  preisable  him  to  bind  him  silf  557. 

it  is  profitable  him  to  haue  sum  thing  555. 

it  is  alloweable,  resonable,  and  profitable  hem 

to  haue  mansiouns  549. 

it  is  no  nede  me  forto  .  .  .  eneerche  the  writingis 
of  Doctouris  71. 

it  is  open  Poulfor  to  haue  meened  217. 

it  was  so  stabilid  ymagis  to  he  had  in  chirchis        254. 

it  migte  seme  miche  of  al  what  y  haue  bifore 

taugt  in  this  present  book  he  vntrewe  73. 

And  whether  this  was  not  an  horrible  abhomynacioun 
.  .  .  hem  forto  so  sturdili  bi  manye  yeeris  iuge 
and  diffame  bothe  the  clergi  and  weelnyg  al  the 
lay  party  of  Goddis  chirche  149. 

which  it  is  sure  God  to  chese  188. 

it  accordid  not  with  resoun  eny  man  forto  hold  to 
gidere  apostilhode  or  discipilhode  and  possessioun 
of  immouable  godis  295. 

^Matzner:  Sprachproben,  241,  13. 


136 

it  schulde  be  agens  Scripture  ...  a  preest  forto  haue 

377. 

In  one  passage  Pecock  employs  a  pronoun  in  the  nominative 
case: 

and  therfore  thilk  proces  rather  confermeth 
ymagis  to  mowe  lawfulli  be,  than  that  thei 
alle  to  be  is  vnleeful  147. 

Our  facts  make  it  clear  that  the  construction  of  a  sub- 
stantive and  infinitive  with  neuter  and  impersonal  verbs  is 
the  result  of  native  linguistic  forces.  The  elements  which 
contributed  to  the  development  of  this  construction  are  (1) 
the  infinitive,  employed  as  the  subject  of  neuter  verbs,  to 
which  a  substantive  in  the  nominative  case  was  joined  when 
it  was  desired  to  limit  the  action  expressed  by  the  infinitive, 
without  in  any  way  connecting  the  substantive  with  the 
main  verb;  (2)  the  use  of  a  nominative  with  infinitive  to 
express  a  strong  emotion — an  exclamatory  phrase  to  which 
a  declaratory  statement  was  often  added  in  order  to  give 
a  more  precise  and  deliberate  utterance  to  the  emotion.  The 
two  coordinate  parts  in  time  coalesced  into  a  single  sen- 
tence group,  and  then  it  became  possible  for  examples  of 
this  class  to  be  merged  with  those  of  the  first.  (3)  Still 
another  source  for  the  construction  is  to  be  sought  in  a  group 
of  impersonal  verbs  regularly  followed  by  a  dative  case  with 
a  supplementary  infinitive.  The  transition  from  the  im- 
personal to  the  personal  construction,  and  the  consequent 
change  of  the  dative  to  a  nominative,  produced  a  number 
of  examples  in  which  the  substantive  continued  to  be  con- 
strued with  the  infinitive  instead  of  being  taken  as  the 
subject  of  the  main  verb.  If  any  importance  is  to  be  at- 
tached to  the  loss  of  inflections  as  a  factor  in  determining 
the  case  of  the  substantive  in  our  locution,  it  must  obviously 
be  to  emphasize  its  nominative  value.     For  it  is  difficult  to 


137 

understand  how  a  feeling  for  the  accusative  case  could  have 
been  developed  in  the  language  at  a  time  when  there  was  no 
way  of  marking  or  of  recognizing  such  a  case.  The  only 
certain  uses  of  the  accusative  are  such  as  occur  in  literal 
translations  of  Latin  texts  or,  very  sporadically,  in  original 
documents  written  under  strong  Latin  influence.  The  close 
parallel  between  the  English  and  Latin  locutions  rendered 
the  contamination  of  one  by  the  other  very  easy.  The 
only  writer  in  whom  the  contamination  takes  place  to 
a  notable  degree  is  Pecock,  and  his  position  in  the  history 
of  English  prose  is  scarcely  that  of  a  pioneer  or  model,  as 
is  often  assumed.  Syntactically  he  is  anomalous  and  under 
complete  subjection  to  his  Latin  models. 

"  Inorganic  For" 

In  the  light  of  the  foregoing  facts,  the  explanation  of 
the  construction  with  inorganic  for  is  a  simple  one.  The 
use  of  a  dative  case,  introduced  by  the  preposition  for  or  io, 
after  neuter  verbs  compounded  with  certain  nouns  and  ad- 
jectives, was  quite  common  in  the  fourteenth  century.  The 
same  nouns  and  adjectives  also  admitted  a  construction  of 
a  substantive  and  infinitive  which  possessed  a  different  force 
and  in  which  the  former  element  was  in  no  way  connected 
with  the  predicate  verb.  This  loose  and  apparently  de- 
tached position  of  the  substantive  was  not  long  tolerated  in 
the  language,  and  the  tendency  to  assimilate  this  independent 
noun  and  infinitive  with  the  dative  construction,  outwardly 
at  least,  by  the  introduction  of  for  revealed  itself  even  in 
the  prose  of  Wyclif : 

it  is  agenst  charite /or  prestis  to  preie  euere 

more  and  no  tyme  to  preche  112. 

The  force  of  the  original  construction  is  very  seldom  obscured 
by  this  intrusion  of  the  preposition,  since  the  context  plainly 


138 

indicates  the  syntactical  function  of  the  expression  intro- 
duced by  it,  which  is  that  of  subject  of  the  sentence. 

By  the  continued  operation  of  analogy,  the  leveling  pro- 
cess was  extended.  'Not  only  was  the  preposition  inserted 
when  the  substantive  with  infinitive  followed  the  predicate, 
but  even  when  it  preceded  and  stood  at  the  head  of  the  sen- 
tence. Not  only  was  for  introduced  after  predicates  which 
admitted  a  dative  case,  but  it  was  also  employed  in  con- 
junction with  such  as  could  by  no  possibility  be  construed 
with  a  dative.  In  all  of  these  uses  the  primary  force  of 
the  construction  stands  out  clearly.  The  preposition  for 
in  no  way  changes  the  feeling  for  the  expression ;  it  disguises 
its  origin  to  a  certain  extent,  but  the  disguise  is  penetrated 
by  the  slightest  examination.  What  we  have  in  this  con- 
struction, therefore,  is  not,  as  Einenkel  would  have  it,  a 
dative  case  which  reverts  to  an  earlier  construction  after  hav- 
ing gone  through  the  intermediate  stage  of  an  accusative. 
^N'either  is  it  a  dative  derived  directly  from  an  accusative 
and  later  returning  to  its  accusative  function,  as  Stoffel  in- 
terprets it.  The  construction  is  merely  that  of  a  nomina- 
tive with  infinitive,  subject  of  a  neuter  verb,  which  is 
leveled  in  order  to  bring  it  into  conformity  with  the  much 
older  and  more  familiar  dative  construction  after  such  verbs, 
and  in  which  the  syntactical  relations  of  the  substantive  are 
not  in  the  least  affected  by  the  formal  change.  The  use  of 
the  preposition,  however,  necessarily  eliminates  the  nomina- 
tive forms  from  the  construction. 

Examples  of  the  use  of  inorganic  for  are  found  in  the 
fourteenth  century,^  are  fairly  common  in  the  sixteenth,  and 
increase  rapidly  thereafter. 

^ There  is  no  justification  for  an  assertion  like  the  following:  "Such  sen- 
tences as  *  I  don't  know  what  is  worse  than /or  such  wicked  strumpets  to  lay  their 
sins  at  honest  men's  doors'  (Fielding)  would  be  sought  in  vain  before  the 
eighteenth  century,  though  the  way  was  paved  for  them  in  such  Shakespearian 
sentences  like  '  For  us  to  levy  power  Proportionate  to  th'  enemy  is  all  impossi- 
ble.' " 

Jespersen:  Growth  &  Sir.  of  English,  §  211. 


139 


it  is  best  Jor  hem  to  he  men  of  priuat  religion        Wyclif,  17. 

it  is  blasphemye  for  ony  creature  to  take  t)is  to  hyra 

lb.,  81. 
For,  sir,  hit  is  no  maystrie  for  a  lord 
To  dampne  a  man  with-oute  answere  or  word      L.  G.  W. ,  A,  386. 

It  is  a  besy  thing 

For  one  man  to  rule  a  kyng  Skelton,  I,  349. 

And  syth  it  is  conuenyent  &  accordynge/or  synners 

to  wayle,  to  wepe,  tofaste  Fisher,  31,  27. 

Many  causes  there  he  for  synners  to  be  penytent  lb.,  63,  28. 

Better  it  were /or  the  artyfycer  to  make  a  clocke  all 
new  than  to  mende  or  brynge  agayne  into  the 
ryght  course  a  clocke  ...  lb.,  117,  33. 

It  is  a  straunge  and  a  dede  in  maner  ayenst  nature 
for  almyghty  god  to  shewe  vengeaunce  lb.,  166,  10. 

And  though  it  were  sorowful  &  greuous  for  the 

chirche  to  here  these  sayd  wordes  lb.,  192,  6. 

Were  it  suppose  ye  al  this  considerd  a  meetly 
thyng  for  vs  to  desyre  to  haue  this  noble  princes 
here  lb.,  306,  20. 

O  my  sweete  Lorde,  what  is  this /or  thee  to  desire  lb.,  385,  35. 
It  booteth  not /or  me  to  weep  or  cry  More,  ii. 

It  is  a  great  reproche  and  dishonestie  for  the 

husbande  to  come  home  wythowte  hys  wiffe,  or 

the  wiffe  withoute  her  husband,  or  the  sonne 

without  his  father  Utopia,  257.* 

In  maximo  probro  est  coniux  absque  coniuge 

redux,  aut  amisso  parente  reuersus  filius 

when  it  shal  not  be  lawfull /or  their  bodies  to  be 

separate  agayne  lb. ,  227. 

quum  corpore  iam  seiungi  non  liceat 

But /or  the  husbande  to  put  away  his  wyfe  for 
no  faulte,  but  for  that  some  myshappe  is 
fallen  to  her  bodye,  thys  by  no  meanes 
they  wyll  suffre  lb.,  227. 

1  Ed.  Lupton. 


140 

Alioquin  inuitam  coniugem,  cuius  nulla  sit 
noxa,  repudiare,  quod  corporis  obtigerit 
calamitati,  id  uero  nuUo  pacto  ferunt 

Then  if  it  be  a  poynte  of  humanitie /or  man  to 
bryng  health  and  comforte  to  man 

hominem  homini  saluti  ac  solatio  esse,  si 
humanum  est  maxime 

had  it  not  bene  better /or  yowe  to  haue  -played  the 

domme  persone 
nonne  praestiterit  egisse  mutam  personam 

For  it  is  not  possible /or  all  thynges  to  be  well 
nam  ut  omnia  bene  sint  fieri  non  potest 

ioxfor  the  watch  to  babble  and  to  talk  is  most 
tolerable  and  not  to  be  endured 

Besides,  it  were  a  mock 

Apt  to  be  render' d,  for  some  one  to  say 

* '  Break  up  the  senate  till  another  time ' ' 

'tis  no  sin /or  a  man  to  labour  in  his  vocation 

for,  for  me  to  put  him  to  his  purgation  would 
perhaps  plunge  him  into  far  more  choler 


lb.,  191. 


76.,  98. 
lb.,  100. 

Much  Ado,  III,  iii,  36. 

Caesar,  II,  ii,  96. 
I  Hen.  IV,  I,  ii,  116. 

Hamlet,  III,  ii,  317. 


But /or  him,  though  almost  on  certain  proof, 
to  give  it  hearing,  not  belief,  deserves  my 
hate  for  ever  Massinger  ;  Duke  of  Milan,  IV,  ii.^ 


*For  further  extension  of  the  construction,  see  Stoffel,  48  fi. 


CHAPTEE  Y 

The  Coistjunctive-Impekative  Use  of  the  Infinitive 

It  seems  convenient  to  adopt  the  term  conjunctive-impera- 
tive for  the  construction  about  to  be  described,  because  of 
its  analogy  to  a  Greek  locution  bearing  that  name.  This 
construction  has  been  noticed  by  several  writers,  but  in  so 
fragmentary  a  fashion,  due  to  the  fact  that  the  authors  were 
each  considering  a  single  literary  monument,  that  a  satis- 
factory description  of  it  was  out  of  the  question.  The  full 
extent  of  its  use  in  Middle  English  has  not  hitherto  been 
estimated. 

Baldwin  quotes  the  following  passage  from  Malory: 

this  is  my  counceill .  .  .  that  we  lete  puruey  x 

knygtes  ...  &  they  to  kepe  this  swerd  ^  40,  35. 

and  regards  the  italicized  expression  as  an  extension  of 
the  use  after  neuter  verbs,  through  analogy  to  such  sentences 
as  "  I  will  rescue  her  or  else  to  die."  Such  an  analogy, 
however,  is  not  sufficiently  obvious  to  warrant  the  acceptance 
of  his  theory.  Hardly  more  satisfactory  is  the  explanation 
of  Kellner,  who  asserts  a  tendency  in  Middle  English  to  sup- 
plant temporal  and  conditional  clauses  by  absolute  construc- 
tions. The  present  and  past  participles  were  thus  employed 
to  represent  present  and  past  tenses,  e.  g., 

the  same  Plato  livinge,  his  inaister  Socrates  deservede 
victorie  Ch.  Boeth.y  133,  29. 

The  service  doon,  they  soupen  al  by  day  C.  T. ,  F,  297. 

1  §  244. 

141 


142 


But  the  lack  of  a  future  participle  forced  writers  to  resort 
to  the  infinitive  to  denote  future  tenses.  Thus,  Kellner  says, 
there  came  into  existence  that  peculiar  use,  which,  in  the 
course  of  its  development  became  more  and  more  free,  so 
that  in  the  fifteenth  century  the  infinitive  absolute  often 
serves  to  alternate  with  any  principal  sentence  or  clause. 
Caxton,  he  affirms,  disliked  the  construction,  but  Malory 
made  a  great  deal  of  it,  and  it  is  possibly  due  to  the  influence 
of  this  great  favorite  that  the  absolute  infinitive  is  frequent 
in  Berners  and  occurs  even  in  Elizabethan  times. ^  A  fun- 
damental objection  to  Kellner's  theory  is  that  he  has  com- 
prehended under  a  single  definition  four  or  Rve  widely  diver- 
gent constructions,  among  which  is  the  substantive  with  in- 
finitive after  neuter  verbs,  and  that  his  explanation  does  not 
absolutely  fit  any  of  them.^ 

Still  another  interpretation  of  this  so-called  absolute  con- 
struction is  suggested  by  Krickau,  who  thus  describes  it: 
'  When  two  coordinate  clauses  depend  upon  a  verb  of  wishing, 
the  writer  employs  a  substantive  clause  for  the  first  and 
usually  an  accusative  with  infinitive  for  the  second.  Cu- 
riously the  subject  of  the  second  clause,  when  it  is  a  per- 
sonal pronoun,  is  in  the  nominative  instead  of  the  accusa- 
tive case.'  He  then  proceeds  to  give  the  following  arbi- 
trary explanation  of  this  curious  phenomenon :  ^  When  a 
modal  auxiliary  was  used  in  the  first  of  several  coordinate 
clauses,  its  use  was  avoided  in  the  second  [no  reason]  even 
with  a  different  subject,  and  the  bare  infinitive  with  the  pre- 
position to  was  substituted,  the  auxiliary  being  understood. 
Now  even  when  there  was  no  such  auxiliary,  but  there  might 
have  been,  the  writer  placed  the  nominative  of  the  personal 
pronoun  in  the  second  coordinate  clause  in  recollection  of 
the  former  construction.'     ^  Fundamentally,'  he  adds,  ^  the 

Waxton^s  Syntax  in  Transactions  of  Phil.  Soc,,  1888-1890,  §  29. 
^  Baldwin,  §  249,  analyzes  Kellner' s  classification. 


143 


construction  is  one  of  accusative  with  infinitive  after  verbs 
of  wishing,  and  the  subject  whose  case  cannot  be  identified 
by  its  form  is  originally  to  be  construed  as  an  accusative  in 
these  expressions.'  The  greater  freedom  of  the  construction 
in  Berners  forces  Krickau  to  assume  that  it  was  possible  to 
consider  a  verb  of  wishing  or  desiring  omitted,  and  the  con- 
struction as  dependent  upon  it.^ 

Einenkel  arrives  nearer  the  truth  when  he  suggests  that 
the  frequent  employment  of  the  absolute  infinitive  is  to 
be  traced  primarily  to  its  use  in  expressing  purpose.  '  We 
may  have  a  sentence,  he  says,  in  which  an  infinitive  of  pur- 
pose, dependent  on  the  main  verb,  has  a  subject  distinct 
from  that  of  the  main  verb  and  sometimes  to  be  supplied 
from  the  context,  e.  g,. 

He  yaf  me  al  the  brydel  in  myn  hond 

To  han  the  governance  of  hous  and  lond  C.  T.,  D,  813. 

The  words  me  and  myn  here  suggest  the  subject  for  to  han. 
But  if  the  context  did  not  afford  us  any  clue  as  to  the  subject, 
or  if  the  infinitive  for  which  the  subject  was  to  be  supplied 
were  preceded  by  another  infinitive,  the  subject  of  which 
was  identical  with  that  of  the  main  verb,  we  should  have  an 
ambiguous  sentence,  such  as 

*  He  yaf  me  al  the  brydel  in  myn  hond  to  live  in  idelnesse 
and  to  have  the  governance  of  hous  and  lond. 

To  render  this  perfectly  intelligible,  Chaucer  would  intro- 
duce the  personal  pronoun  in  the  nominative  case  to  define 
the  subject  of  the  infinitive: 

I  dar  the  better  aske  of  yow  a  space 

Of  audience,  to  shewen  our  requeste, 

And  ye,  my  lord,  to  doon  right  as  yow  leste  C.  T.,  E,  103. ^ 

^Der  Ace.  mil  dem  Inf.,  21-22  ;  27-29.  Cf.  also  Jespersen  :  Prog,  in  Lang., 
206-209. 

2  Strei/ziige,  80, 


144 


But  Einenkel  is  content  to  call  it  one  of  Chaucer's  make- 
shift constructions,!  and  he  gives  no  account  of  the  nature 
or  the  manner  of  its  development.  He  confines  his  explana- 
tion within  the  limits  of  Chaucer's  usage,  and  therefore  his 
explanation  is  too  narrow.  We  can,  however,  avail  ourselves 
of  his  useful  hint  in  order  to  establish  more  firmly  a  con- 
nection between  the  final  and  the  conjunctive-imperative 
uses  of  the  infinitive  in  Middle  English. 

According  to  Brugmann  and  Delbriick  the  imperative  use 
of  the  infinitive  is  derived  immediately  from  its  use  to  indi- 
cate purpose  and  result,  which  is  its  primary  function.  An 
instance  of  a  substantive  in  the  nominative  case  being  em- 
ployed as  the  subject  of  such  an  infinitive  is  cited  by 
Delbriick  from  Vedic  Sanskrit :  ^ 

yd  mdrtyesv  amrta  rtava  devo  devesv  aratir  nidhayi  hota  yajistho 
mahna  sucddhydi  havyair  agnir  manusa  Irayddhydi    KV,  4,  2,  1. 

He  who  is  set  among  mortals  as  an  immortal,  sacred  comrade,  may  the 
priest  most  fitted  for  sacrificing  bum  mightily,  may  Agni  become  alive 
through  the  sacrifice  of  the  man  (lit.  the  priest  to  burn  .  .  .  Agni  to 
become  alive) . 

In  Homeric  Greek,  also,  it  was  quite  usual  to  employ  a  sub- 
ject in  the  nominative  case  with  an  imperative  infinitive 
referring  to  a  third  person: 

Kal  5'  avrbs  M  irpdiToun  fidxeffdai,  Iliad,  9,  709. 

let  him  fight  (lit.  he  to  fight)  among  the  foremost 

ijCidev  5'  'ISatos  frw  Kot\a%  ixl  vijas 

elirifiev  '  ArpctSTjc'  '  Aya/n^/xpovi  Kal  Mcj'eXdy 

fjLvdov  "* AXe^dvdpoio  rod  eivcKa  veiKos  Spcapev 

Kal  di  t6^  elir^fievai  irvKivbv  tiros  lb.,  7,  372. 

In  the  morning  let  Idaeus  go  to  the  hollow  ships  to  announce  to  the 
sons  of  Atreus,  Agamemnon  and  Menelaus,  the  message  of  Paris, 
because  of  whom  the  strife  arose,  and  to  say  this  shrewd  speech  (= 
let  him  say ) 

^/6.,  82. 

^  Vergleichende  Syntax,  ii,  453-454. 


145 

reiJxea  (TuXiJcras  (jtepiro}  KotXas  iirl  vfjas 

<r<3/xa  5^  of/caS'  i/jubv  56fievai  irdXiv  lb.,  7,  78. 

(he)  to  retui^  (=  let  him  return)  my  body  again 

et  fM^p  Kev  MevfKaov  ' A\4^av5pos  KaraTricpvri 

avrbs  iireid'  'EX^i'tjj'  ix^Toj  Kal  KT-f^fxara  irdpra 

i]/xets  5'   iv  vrjiaai  vethjxeda  TrovroTr6poi<nv, 

el  8^  K    ^ A\^^av8pov  KTeLvQ  ^avdbs  M.€vi\aos 

TpQas  eireid'   'EX^vi^v  Kal  KTi^fiara  irdvr''  dTTodoumi  lb.,  3,  281. 

If  Paris  should  slay  Menelaus,  then  let  him  retain  Helen  and  all  his 
possessions  and  let  us  return  in  our  sea- journeying  ships,  but  if  the 
yellow-haired  Menelaus  slay  Paris,  then  the  Trojans  to  restore  Helen 
and  all  the  treasures. 

It  is  worth  while  to  anticipate  for  a  moment  in  order  to 
indicate  the  exact  parallel  between  the  last  passage  and 
the  following  from  Berners: 

yf  it  fortunyd  that  the  vanquysser  sle  his  enymye 
in  ye  feld  or  he  confesse  y©  treason  for  ye  deth 
of  his  Sonne,  that  than  y^  vanquesser  to  lese  al 
his  londys  &  hym  selfe  to  be  bannysshyd  out  of 
ye  realme  of  france  Huon,  40,  23. 

Another  Greek  construction  which  may  enable  us  better 
to  estimate  our  Middle  English  locutions  is  that  commonly- 
occurring  in  inscriptions.  There,  according  to  Delbriick, 
the  will  of  the  lawgiver  is  expressed  by  the  imperative,  opta- 
tive, future  indicative  and  infinitive,  in  connection  with  the 
last  of  which  the  subject  is  either  omitted  or  placed  in  the 
accusative  case.  It  seems  natural  to  assume,  adds  Del- 
briick,  by  way  of  explanation,  that  in  this  apparently  inde- 
pendent accusative  with  infinitive  there  constantly  hovers 
before  the  mind  some  expression  such  as  it  is  decreed.'^ 
Practically  all  the  uses  of  the  infinitive  alluded  to  above 
are  represented  in  Middle  English  literature,  and  they  will 
be  taken  up  in  order.  First,  therefore,  comes  the  purpose- 
result  use. 

An  isolated  example  of  a  nominative  with  infinitive  ex- 

^Vergleichende  Syntax,  II,  454-456, 

10 


146 


pressing  purpose  and  depending  more  or  less  closely  on  the 
main  verb  is  found  in  Anglo-Saxon  prose : 

hie  heora  here  on  tu  todseldon  ;  d]>er  set  ham 
beon  heora  lond  to  healdanne,  o\>er  utfaran 
to  winnanne  Orosius,  46,  16.^ 

In  Middle  English  the  construction  is  not  seldom  met  with. 

Whi  schope  thou  me  to  wrother-hele 

To  be  thus  togged  &  to-torn  and  othere  to  haven 

al  mi  wele  Debate  of  Body  &  SouIJ 

Vndir  >e  rote  a  welle  out  braste 

•wi\>  stremes  clere  fresshe  &  colde 

Alle  to  drinke  ynowge  >at  wolde  Curs.  Mundi,  11704. 

Oure  lord  wolde  for  resoun  \)\\ke 

Be  fed  of  a  maydenes  mylke 

So  hir  maydenhede  to  be  hid 

and  Mr  husbonde  wide  kid  lb.,  10795. 

Some  he  gaf  wytte  with  wordes  to  shewe, 

Witte  to  Wynne  her  lyflode  with  as  j^e  worlde  asketh, 

As  prechouris  &  prestes  &  prentyces  of  lawe, 

J>ei  lelly  to  lyue  by  laboure  of  tonge, 

And  bi  witte  to  wissen  other  Piers  PL,  xix,  224. 

J>e  kynge  and  )>e  comune  and  kynde  witte  \>e  >ridde 

Shope  lawe  &  lewte  eche  man  to  knowe  his  owne    lb.,  Prol.,  121. 

Glotonye  he  gaf  them  eke  and  grete  othes  togydere, 

And  alday  to  drynke  at  dyuerse  tauernes, 

And  there  to  iangle  and  to  iape  .  .  . 

And  \>ei  to  haue  and  to  holde  and  here  eyres  after, 

A  dwellyng  with  >e  deuel  and  dampned  be  for  eure    lb.,  ii,  92. 

in  so  sitting  in  the  myddil  he  was  the  redier  and 
the  abler  forto  waite  into  al  her  good  and  profit, 
(for  to  be  seen  of  hem  alle,  and  forto  be  herd 
of  hem  alle,  and  alle  hem  ^  forto  reeeyve  mete  of 
him  the  bettir )  Pecock,  300. 

*  Shearin  :  Expression  of  Purpose  in  Old  English  Prose,  15. 

^  Matzner :  Sprachproben,  103.  Commenting  on  it  in  a  note,  M.  calls  it  an 
accusative  with  infinitive  to  express  purpose. 

^  The  accusative  here  may  be  due  to  Pecock' s  associating  the  accusative  as 
the  regular  subject  of  the  infinitive. 


147 


sped  well,  good  woman !  1  am  to  l>e  sentt, 

yow  for  to  speke  with  >e  Kyng  Dig^Vj  116,  1643. 

therfor'  a  rib  I  from  the  take, 
therof  shall  be  (raaide)  thi  make, 

And  be  to  thi  helpyng. 
Ye  both  to  goueme  that  here  is, 
and  euer  more  to  be  in  blis 

ye  wax  in  my  blissyng  Townley,  7,  186, 

Pray  to  thy  Son  aboue  the  sterris  clere, 

He  to  vouchesaf,  by  thy  mediacion, 

To  pardon  thy  seruannt,  and  brynge  to  saluacion 

Skelton,  i,  14. 

That  sonday  thenglysshmen  made  great  dykes  and 
hedges  about,  their  archers  to  be  the  more  stronger 

Berners :  Chron.,  196. 

lette  vs  all  be  a  fote,  except  thre  hundred  men  of 
armes  .  .  .  to  the  entent  they  somwhat  to  breke  and 
to  opyn  the  archers,  and  thanne  your  batayls  to 
folowe  on  quickely  afote  .  .  .  76.,  195. 

I  wold  desyre  you  .  .  .  that  ye  wolde  graunt  a 
truse  to  endure  all  onely  but  to  morowe,  so 
that  you  nor  we,  none  to  greue  other ,  but  to  be  in 
peace  yt  day  76.,  142. 

Than  the  kynge  sente  to  prelates  of  the  chirche, 
that  euery  man  of  the  oste  sholde  be  confessed 
and  entry  man  to  foryeven  other,  and  be  in 
charite  and  clene  lyf  Merlin,  55. 

This  moost  precyous  blode  was  shedde  without 
mesure  .  .  .  to  thentent  our  synnes  .  .  .  shal 
...  be  clensed,  done  away  and  we  to  be  parte 
takers  of  the  redempcyon  ones  done  Fisher,  229,  29. 

gyuynge  also  example  of  good  and  honest 
conversacyon  to  thende  that  all  the  people  in 
this  ivorlde  may  be  gadered  in  to  one  flocke, 
and  the  chyrche  to  be  knytte  togyder  in  one  fayth 
hope  &  chary te  76.,  191,  1. 

Then  have  we  nowe  come  furth  the  booke  of 
Frere  Barnes  .  .  .  which  ...  is  at  thys  daye 
comen  to  the  realme  by  safe  conducte,  whiche 
at  hys  humble  suite,  the  kynges  hyghnesse  of 
his  blessed  disposicion  condiscended  to  graunt 


148 

hjm,  to  thende  that  if  there  rayght  yet  any 
sparke  of  grace  be  founden  in  hym,  it  myght 
be  kept  kindeled,  and  encreased,  rather  than 
the  man  to  be  cast  away  More,  342  G. 

I  trust  so  to  open  this  wyndow,  that  the  lyght 
shal  be  seane  .  .  .  and  the  old  glory  of  your 
renoumed  Britaine  to  refloHsh  through  the 
worlde  Leland  :  New  Yeai-'s  Gift,  67. 

The  infinitive  is  also  employed  in  English  with  an  im- 
perative force,  to  state  an  injunction  or  agreement,  after  ex- 
pressions denoting  a  command,  decree,  pledge,  etc.  Chrono- 
logically this  use  is  parallel  with  that  of  purpose  and  result, 
but  its  precise  relation  to  the  latter  is  illustrated  by  other 
Indo-Germanic  languages.  The  kinship  of  the  two  construc- 
tions is  quite  obvious  from  the  following  Middle  English 
examples: 

'*  It  nere,"  quod  he,  *'  to  thee  no  greet  honour 
For  to  be  fals,  ne  for  to  be  traytour 
To  me,  that  am  thy  cosin  and  thy  brother 
Y-swom  ful  depe,  and  ech  of  us  til  other. 
That  never,  for  to  dyen  in  the  peyne. 
Till  that  the  deeth  departe  shal  us  tweyne. 
Neither  of  us  in  love  to  hindren  other, 
Ne  in  non  other  cas,  my  leve  brother  ; 
But  that  thou  sholdest  trewely  forthren  me 
In  every  cas,  and  I  shall  forthren  thee  "  C.  T.,  A,  1129. 

Ordinarily  the  expression  of  command  is  followed  by  a 
clause,  and  a  second  statement,  parallel  to  the  first,  is  ren- 
dered by  a  substantive  with  an  infinitive : 

he  het  men  to  gyue  hem  mede 

If  \>ei  coude  hit  rigtly  rede 

And  ]>ei  to  gyue  \>e  same  ageyn 

If  ]>ei  hit  red  nougt  certeyn  Curs.  Mundi,  71 21. 

And  my  wyll  is,  that  my  body  be  Beryed  in  the 
Chirchhey  of  the  Paryshchurch  of  Thornecombe 
.  .  .  And  no  fest  noJ)er  terment  y-hold,  bote.iij. 
Masses  atte  my  buryyng,  saue  CCC  poure  men 
schullen  haue  mete  &  drynke  ynowe  .  .  .  and 


149 


.xiij.    poure  men    clothed   in   Russett    ylyned 
witt  white,  and  euery  of  ham  to  haue  .viijd. 

Earliest  English  WillSf  26, 

More-ouer  hit  is  my  will  that  my  body  be  buryd 
.  ,  .  And  that  at  the  day  of  my  buryng  ther 
be  saide  iij  masses,  And  all -so  that  \>er  be 
xiij  pore  men  clothid  in  white,  holdyng 
eche  of  hem  a  torghe  brennyng  .  .  .  And 
afterward  the  torgis  to  he  dolt  .iij.  of  hem 
to  the  Chirch  of  Thornecombe  E,  E.  TT.,  129,  12. 

/  will  that  then  all  such  porcion  or  porcions 
as  shulde  come  to  hym  or  theym  soo  dying 
remayn  unto  the  other  on  lyving,  evynly 
amongs  theym  to  be  devided :  provided 
alway,  that  if  the  said  ,ij.  parts  be  in  any 
maner  of  stuff  or  catall  or  any  part  of 
theym  and  not  brought  into  money,  that 
then  my  said  wif  to  have  the  choyse  off 
whiche  half  she  best  lyketh,  and  my  said 
.iiij.  childern  to  holde  theym  contented  with 
all  suche  half  as  she  refusith  Fabyan's  Will,  vii. 

which  .iiij.  tapers  1  will  be  holden  at  euery 
tyme  by  foure  poore  men,  to  the  whiche 
I  will  that  to  everyche  of  theym  be  geven 
for  their  labours  .  .  .  and  if  any  of  theym 
happen  to  be  unmaried,  than  they  to  have 
but  .iijd.  a  pece  26.,  iv. 

Also /t»i7/ that  myn  executrice  doo  assemble 
upon  the  said  day  of  moneths  mynde  .xij. 
of  the  porest  menys  children  of  the  fore- 
said parisshe  and  after  the  masse  is  endid 
and  other  obseruances,  the  said  children  to 
be  ordet^ed  aboute  my  grave,  and  there 
knelyng,  to  say  for  my  soule  .  .  .  and  the 
residue  to  say  a  pater  noster  76.,  v. 

Also  if  it  happen  me  to  dye  at  London,  than 
I  will  that  suche  .iiij.  of  my  felishipe  as 
here  me  to  churche,  have  my  ryngs  of  gold 
.  .  .  and  the  other  too  .  .  .  to  have  viijd  a 
piece  of  theym  lb.,  vi. 

1  mil  that  the  seid  Seynt  Marie  preest  ne  his 
successours  shal  not  lete  to  ferme  the  seid 
place  to  no  man  nor  woman  .  .  .  but  he  and 
his  successours  to  logge  there  Bury  WUlSj  21. 


150 

I  wiU  and  ordeyne  .  .  .  that  he  shall  ... 
founde  or  do  founde  .  .  .  and  indewe 
withinne  the  seid  mancion  or  collage  of  vij. 
religeous  monkys  or  pristes,  to  preye  for 
the  soules  above  seyd  in  perpetuite,  of 
whiche  one  to  be  chief  governor  of  hem,  and 
he  to  have  x  li.  Will  of  Sir  J.  Fastolf  (b)^ 

Sche  is  vndyr  godd  made  be  patent  lettyr 
hys  vycere  generall,  if  I  schall  sey  sothe, 
To  geue  mankynd  bothe  nase,  eye,  &  tothe 
Of  what  schape  )>at  hyr  lykyth  to  geue. 
And    of    hyr  werk   no   man  hyr   to   repreue 

Capgrave  :  Life  of  St.  Katherine,  158,  1319. 

And  the  clerkes  charged  the  kynge  that  in  nc 
manere  he  sholde  not  se  me  a-lyve  ;  but  as 
sone  as  I  were  founde,  that  I  sholde  with- 
oute  respite  be  slain,  and  my  Mode  to  be 
brought  to  be  putte  with  morter  in  the 
foundement  of  the  tour  Merlin,  31. 

that  he  and  the  gode  lady  his  wif  swere  on  a 
boke  to  kepe  a  childe  that  shal  be  brought 
vnto  hem,  and  that  she  yeve  it  soke  of  hir 
owne  mylke,  and  Mr  owne  childe  to  be  put  to 
a-nothir  woman  to  be  norisshed  lb.,  88. 

and  he  badde  me  that  I  sholde  pray  yow  to 
put  youre  owne  childe  to  sowken  a-nother 
woman,  for  my  love,  and  youre  wif  to  yeve  the 
childe  sowken  of  her  owne  mylke  lb. ,  88. 

They  within  made  apoynment  with  the  erle,  to 
sende  xxiiii  of  their  chiefe  burgesses  to 
Burdeux,  in  hostage  .  .  .  and  if  within 
that  space,  the  frenche  kynge  do  sende  a 
suffycient  persone,to  kepe  the  felde  agaynst 
therle  of  Derby,  than  they  to  have  agayne 
their  hostages,  and  to  be  quyte  of  their 
bonde ;  and  yf  nat,  than  they  to  put  theym 
vnder  the  obeysaunce  of  the  kynge  of 
Englande  Berners  :  Chronicle,  135. 

the  same  season  ther  were  acorded,  ordeyned 
and  confyrmed,  alyaunces  and  confederacions, 

^  Pastern  Letters,  i,  446. 


151 

right  great  and  large,  and  sworne  solemply 
on  bothe  parties,  to  holde  fermly  and  nat  to 
breke,  nor  to  do  agaynst  it  by  no  maner  of 
way,  but  that  those  two  kynges  to  abyde  fermly 
in  vny te  of  peace,  loue,  and  alyance  lb. ,  438. 

The  other  lordes  were  of  the  contrary  opinyon, 
sayeng,  how  they  had  sealed  and  sworne,  howe 
that  if  the  kyng,  or  one  of  his  chyldren,  were 
nat  there  personally  by  the  sayd  day,  than 
they  to  yelde  them  up  to  the  obeysance  of  the 
frenche  kyng  lb.,  451J 

In  memorie  where  of  it  was  then  ordayned,  that 
from  thence  foorth  no  drum,  pype  or  other 
instrument  should  be  sounded  in  the  street 
leading  to  the  gate  through  which  they 
passed  :  nor  no  osterie  to  be  there  holden  Verstegan,  86. 

The  idea  of  commanding,  on  which  the  expression  of  nomi- 
native with  infinitive  depends,  may  be  merely  implied  in 
the  context,  not  directly  expressed.  In  such  cases  the  in- 
finitive approaches  very  closely  to  the  force  of  a  pure  impera- 
tive. 

"The  beste  counseile,"  seide  thei,  "that we 
se  ther-inne  is  that  ye  somowne  a  grete 
courte  to  be  at  Cardoel .  .  .  and  that  eche 
come  araide  to  a-bide  xv  dayes,  and  eueriche 
man  to  brynge  with  hym  his  wif  ..."  And 
the  kyng  was  plesed  wele  with  her  coun- 
seile, and  sente  to  alle  the  barons  to  be 
at  Pentecoste  at  Cardoel,  and  euert/  baron  to 
brynge  with  hym  his  wif  Merlin,  65. 

and  therfore  hit  was  my  quest  to  brynge  her 
ageyne  and  yow  bothe  or  els  the  one  of  vs  to 
abyde  in  the  felde  Malory,  114,  27. 

&  yf  he  can  vanquysshe  me  then  he  shall  delyuer 
to  thee  thy  nece  Esclaramond  &  yf  T  ouercome 
thy  man  then  thou  to  returne  to  thy  cite  &  suffer 
thy  nece  styll  with  him  &  also  thou  to  restore  all 
ye  domages  that  thou  hast  done  him  &  his  in 
this  warre  Berners  :  Huon,  185,  9. 

*  Quoted  by  Krickau,  27,  but  not  found. 


152 

hit  shall  be  expedient  that  a  noble  mannes 
Sonne,  in  his  infancie,  haue  with  hym 
continually  onely  suche  as  may  accustome 
hym  by  litle  and  litle  to  speake  pure  and 
elegant  latin.  Semblably  the  nourisses  and 
other  ivonien  aboute  hym,  if  it  be  possible, 
to  do  the  same  Elyot,  34. 

Wherfore  there  wolde  be  radde  to  hym,  for 
an  introduction,  two  the  fyrste  bokes  of  the 
warke  of  Aristotell,  called  Ethicae,  wherein 
is  contained  the  definitions  and  propre 
significations  of  euery  vertue  ;  and  that  to 
he  lerned  in  greke  Elyot,  91. 

Lastly,  that  if  there  shall  be  two  or  more 
competitors  for  the  same  vacancy,  caeteris 
paribus,  he  that  has  the  thickest  skin  to 
have  the  preference  Spec,  18. 

The  future  indicative  is  likewise  employed  to  express  a 
command  when  the  subject  is  in  the  third  person,  and  parallel 
to  such  forms  an  infinitive  is  sometimes  found: 

Also  he  will  that  if  his  wyf  or  eny  of  his  saide 
sonnes  worke  the  contrarye  of  this  his 
present  wille,  in  lettyng  or  distourbyng  of 
the  saide  executours  of  fulfillyng  ther-of, 
that  then  ]>ey  shall  lose  aduantage  and 
benefite  of  this  his  present  wille  E.  E.  Wills,  128,  9. 

The  stage  directions  in  the  Townley  and  Digby  plays  gen- 
erally read  '^  Here  shall  enter  .  .  .",  "  Here  Herod  shall 
rage/'  etc.,  but  in  one  instance  we  have: 

Here  to  enter  a  dyvel  with  thunder  and  fyre,  and 
to  avaunce  hym  sylfe,  saying  as  folowyth  ;  and 
hys  spech  spokyn,  to  syt  downe  in  a  chayre       Dighy,  43. 

A  commaundement  make  I  here 

J>at  ye  alle  may  se  &  lere 

>e  bareyn  shal  hir  fruyt  fynde 

And  o)>ere  sene  that  gitt  are  blynde 

\>e  pore  also  to  gete  some  bote 

And  crepel  to  go  rigt  on  fote 

J>e  dede  to  rise  &  o)>ere  vchone 

Be  sett  in  to  her  state  anone  Curs.  Mundi,  12255. 


153 

spirits  malyngny  xall  com  to  >e, 

Hyr  to  tempt  in  euery  plase, 

now  alle  the  vj  J)at  her'  be, 

wysely  to  werke,  hyr  fawor  to  wynne, 

to  entyr  her  person  be  ]>e  labor  of  lechery, 

J>at  she  at  >e  last  may  com  to  helle  Digbyf  70,  428. 

Sometimes  the  infinitive  has  a  force  between  that  of  futuri- 
ty and  command,  corresponding  rather  closely  to  the  Latin 
periphrastic : 

In  bedleem  iuda  he  to  be  bore  Curs.  Mundi,  11468. 

Jwo/Z  Elysabeth  Keston  have  (80)  marke  paid 
to  Norman  Waschebourne  for  her  mariage. 
And  yef  he  gruche  therwith,  the  mater  so  to  be 
laboryd  and  sewyd  that  he  be  constrayned  ther 
to  do  hit  E.  E.  WUk,  118,  18. 

And  all-so  if  the  saide  Margarete  his  wyff 
decesse  or  tyme  Rauf  his  son  comme  at  ful 
age,  thanne  all  her  dower,  and  the  xx  marc 
yerely  forsaid,  to  be  kept  to  the  sustenaunce 
of  al  his  Children  yn  the  maner  and  fourme 
forsaide  lb.,  122,  35. 

And  if  he  die  withoute  heires  of  his  body 
comyng  .  .  .  Thanne  the  saide  maners,  londeSj 
tenementes,  rentes  &  seruices,  with  the 
appurtenaunces,  to  remayne  to  Margarete  lb.,  124,  3. 

I  must  go  &  seke  for  the  home  cuppe  & 
harnes  ye  which  thou  wert  wont  to  haue 
&  enioy  &  1^  to  bere  them  to  kinge  Oberon    Berners  :  Huon,  169,  12. 

Which  treaty  toke  such  effect,  that  all  such 
knightes  as  were  within  the  towne,  might 
depart  at  their  pleasur,  without  any  domage, 
and  to  drawe  to  Niorth,  to  Xaintes,  and  to 
Lusygnen,  or  whyder  soeuer  it  pleased  them, 
and  the  lady  of  Soubise  to  put  herself  vnder 
the  obeysance  of  the  frenche  kyng  Bemers  :  Chronicle,  452. 

And  the  yonge  kyng  was  putte  vnto  the  rule 
of  the  gentyll  knyght  sir  Rycharde  Dangle, 
by  the    accorde  of    all    the    lande,   to   be 

^  Variant  inserts  am. 


154 

instructed  in  noble  vertues  ;  and  the  realme 
of  England  to  be  governed  by  the  duke  of 
Lancastre  Ib.y  483. 

Among  whom  if  any  be  proued  after  to  have 
abused  it,  than  the  use  therof  to  be  forboden 
him,  eyther  for  euer  or  till  he  be  waxen 
wyser  More.* 

Their  bloody  sign  of  battle  is  hung  out, 

And  something  to  be  done  immediately  Ccesar,  V,  i,  15. 

I  saw  him  arrested,  saw  him  carried  away  ; 
and,  which  is  more,  within  these  three 
days  his  head  to  be  chopped  off  Meas.  f.  Meas. ,  I,  ii,  67. 

'Tis  opportune  to  look  back  upon  old  times, 
and  contemplate  our  forefathers.  Great 
examples  grow  thin,  and  to  be  fetched 
from  the  passed  world  Browne,  403. 

We  even  find  in  English  instances  of  the  use  of  an  infi- 
nitive in  direct  commands  of  the  second  person.  ^ 

CumalS  him  fore  ond  cneow  bigea'S 
on  ansyne  ures  drihtnes, 

ond  him  wepan  ^  fore,  %e  us  worhte  »r  !  Psalms,  xciv,  6. 

Venite,  adoremus,  et  procidamus  ;  et  ploremus 
ante  dominum,  qui  fecit  nos 

Ne  ahebbatJ  ge  to  hea  eowre  hygej?ancas 

ne  ge  wi^S  gode  «fre  gram  word  sprecan  !  '  lb. ,  Lxxiv,  5. 

^Skeat :  Specimens  of  Eng.  Lit.,  187. 

^  Such  a  use  of  the  infinitive  is  quite  common  in  Italian  in  negative  expres- 
sions of  command  ;  e.  g., 
O  Pilato,  nonfare 
'L  figlio  mio  tormentare  Jacopone  da  Todi. 

Quoted  in  J.  A.  Symonds*  Italian  Literature,  i,  293. 
O  santa  allegrezza 
Di  devozione. 
Per  nulla  stagione 

Non  m^ abandonare  lb.,  1,301. 

Levati  su,  donzello,  e  non  dormire  lb.,  i,  57. 

In  positive  expressions  of  command,  the  idiom  is  also  familiar  to  the  collo- 
quial speech  of  several  of  the  modern  European  languages,  notably  German 
and  Kussian.     See  Delbruck,  II,  459-60. 

'Grein,  in  the  Sprachschatz,  glosses  the  forms  as  conjunctives. 


165 


Nolite  extollere  in  altum  cornu  vestrnm  : 
nolite  loqui  adversus  eum  iniquitatem 

swike  nu  and  gon  of te  to  chirche  Horn. ,  li,  66-67. 

And  if  ich  habbe  wel  ispeke  J>er-of  J)U  nym  gome 

And  nouht  me  vor  to  beten  al  wyj>-vte  dome  O.  E.  Misc. ,  45,  269. 

Fader  be  \>\x  wid  child, 

and  be  J>u  wudewis  frend, 

be  arme  gnme  Jt*  froueren; 

and  \>e  woke  gume  }pu  coueren, 

J>e  wronke  gume  \fu  rigtin 

mid  alle  Hne  migtin  lb.,  135,  592. 

Gyf  )>ou  do  liyt,  I  shal  \>e  gyve 

Ten  pound  of  gold  wel  wi)>  to  lyve  ; 

]>o  ten  pound  I  take  \>e  here, 

And  me  to  selle  on  bonde  manere, 

I  ne  recche  unto  whom, 

But  onlycli  he  have  be  Crystendom  Manning :  Handlyng  Synne. 

God  seide  tel  me  &  not  layne '  Curs.  Mundi,  1127. 

And  if  grace  graunte  be  to  go  in  in  bis  wise, 

bow  shalt  see  in  bi-selue  treuthe  sitte  in  bine  herte, 

In  a  cheyne  of  chary  te  as  bow  a  childe  were. 

To  suffre  hym  and  segge  nougte,  agein  bi  sires  wille 

Piers  PL,  V,  614. 
AI  have  I  noght  to  done  in  this  matere 
More  then  another  man  hath  in  this  place, 
Yet  for  as  muche  as  ye,  my  lord  so  dere, 
Han  alwey  shewed  me  favour  and  grace, 
I  dar  the  better  aske  of  yow  a  space 
Of  audience,  to  shewen  our  requeste. 
And  ye,  my  lord,  to  doon  right  as  yow  leste  C.  T.,  E,  99. 

I  seye  this,  be  ye  redy  with  good  herte 

To  al  my  lust,  and  that  I  frely  may, 

As  me  best  thinketh,  do  yow  laughe  or  smerte. 

And  never  ye  to  grucche  it,  night  ne  day.^ 

And  eek  whan  I  sey  "  ye,"  ne  say  nat  ''  nay," 

Neither  by  word  ne  frowning  contenance  ; 

Swer  this,  and  here  I  swere  our  alliance.  lb.,  E,  351. 


^  Emerson  :  Middle  English  Reader,  94,  19. 

^  Gottingen  MS  reads  :  bat  bu  ne  lain. 

^Skeat's  punctuation  with  an  interrogation  point  seems  to  me  to  be  wrong. 


156 

And  also  thou  to  brynge  me  thy  handfull  of  the 
here  of  hys  herde  and  .iiii.  of  hys  grettest 
teth  Berners :  Huon,  50,  20. 

Consider  he's  the  prince,  and  you  his  subjects, 

And  not  to  question  or  contend  with  her 

Whom  he  is  pleased  to  honour  Massinger  :  Duke  of  Milan,  I,  ii. 

It  is  readily  seen  that  all  the  foregoing  groups  of  examples 
are  closely  related  and  lend  themselves  to  a  common  classi- 
fication. The  Indo-Germanic  infinitive  was,  by  its  very 
nature,  flexible,  and  its  potentialities  were  variously  developed 
in  the  various  languages.  From  its  primary  use  in  express- 
sing  purpose  and  result,  it  tended  in  a  number  of  languages 
to  develop  an  imperative  force.  This  tendency  is  most 
markedly  illustrated  in  Greek,  but  is  manifested  also  in  a 
number  of  the  modern  European  languages.  In  Italian 
it  is  quite  regular  in  negative  expressions  of  command,  while 
its  use  in  Russian  and  German,  in  all  expressions  of  com- 
mand, might  possibly  be  considered  a  direct  development 
from  the  nominal  use  of  the  infinitive. 

In  Middle  English  the  tendency  to  develop  the  imperative 
force  of  the  infinitive  seems  to  have  been  no  less  strong  than 
in  ancient  Greek.  Though  all  shades  of  the  construction 
can  be  illustrated  from  English  texts,  it  is  not  possible,  by 
means  of  the  examples  discovered,  to  arrange  a  chronolo- 
gical sequence  which  shall  establish  a  clear  development 
from  the  original  phase,  the  use  of  the  infinitive  for  purpose 
and  result,  to  the  highest  stage,  its  use  as  a  direct  imperative. 
These  extremes  are  already  found  in  Old  English,  and  they 
exist  side  by  side,  together  with  all  the  intermediate  stages, 
throughout  Middle  English.  The  examples  have  been  ar- 
ranged to  indicate  the  manner  in  which  the  transition  might 
have  occurred.  First  come  those  passages  in  which  the  in- 
finitive expressing  purpose  and  result  is  employed,  together 
with  a  substantive  in  the  nominative  case,  as  equivalent  to 
a   clause.     The   exact   function   of   the   infinitive   in  these 


157 

cases  is  often  made  clear  by  the  use  of  a  conjunction  or  of 
a  parallel  clause.  The  infinitive  of  purpose  and  result 
is  followed  by  a  group  of  examples  in  which  the  infinitive 
contains  the  idea  of  command,  but  not  directly,  only  as  de- 
rived from  some  verb  of  commanding,  agreeing,  appointing, 
or  decreeing  in  the  main  clause  on  which  the  infinitive  is  de- 
pendent. The  accusative  with  infinitive  after  these  verbs 
may  to  some  extent  have  influenced  this  construction,  but 
that  the  accusative  with  infinitive  was  not  the  construction 
intended  in  these  cases  is  sufficiently  evident  from  the  fre- 
quent use  of  the  nominative  forms  of  the  pronoun.  But 
when  the  meaning  was  sufficiently  clear  from  the  context, 
it  was  often  possible  to  omit  the  governing  verb,  which, 
however,  remained  vaguely  before  the  consciousness,  and  the 
infinitive,  being  then  left  as  the  principal  verb  of  the  sen- 
tence, came  very  near  to  expressing  a  direct  command.  From 
this  point  the  transition  is  not  difficult  to  the  final  stage  in 
which  the  infinitive  becomes  a  direct  imperative,  without  the 
intervention  or  even  the  remotest  mental  suggestion  of  a 
governing  verb  being  felt.  The  dozen  examples  of  this  last 
use  which  have  been  quoted  seem  to  admit  of  no  other  inter- 
pretation. 

There  has  been  included  also  a  group  of  examples  in 
which  the  infinitive  is  employed  with  an  imperative  force 
as  parallel  or  equivalent  to  a  future  indicative  similarly  em- 
ployed. But  this  use  merges  with  the  one  previously  des- 
cribed and  is  quite  analogous  to  the  Greek  use, of  the  future 
indicative  in  commands  which  is  spoken  of  by  Delbriick. 


FUTUEE    AND    POTENTIAL    INFINITIVE 

The  passages  already  cited,  in  which  an  infinitive  is  em- 
ployed parallel  to  a  future  indicative  to  denote  command, 
may  suggest  the  explanation  of  such  a  use  of  the  infinitive 


158 

when  no  command  is  expressed  or  implied.  The  examples 
of  an  infinitive  which  is  used  as  equivalent  to  a  future  in- 
dicative, even  when  the  latter  form  does  not  precede,  are 
clear  enough. 

I  leue  monkynde  fordone  he  ^ 

But  hit  be  stored  bi  me  &  t>e  Curs.  Mundi,  2939. 

If  ye  hit  do  I  you  teche 

Siker  may  ye  be  of  wreche 

And  youre  shame  shal  be  cou|> 

Alle  men  to  haue  you  in  mouj?  ^  lb.,  4133. 

Alle  )>at  bereth  baslard,  brode  swerde  or  launce, 
Axe  other  hachet  or  eny  wepne  ellis, 
Shall  be  demed  to  >>e  deth  but  if  he  do  it  smythye 
In-to  sikul  or  to  sithe  to  schare  or  to  kulter  ; 

Conflabunt  gladios  suos  in  vomeres,  &c  ; 
Eche  man  to  pleye  with  a  plow  pykoys  or  spade, 
Spynne,  or  sprede  donge  or  spille  hym-self  with  sleuthe. 
Prestes  and  persones  with  placebo  to  hunte, 
And  dyngen  vpon  dauid  eche  a  day  til  eue  Piers  PL,  iii,  303. 

J)anne  shal  J?e  kynge  come  and  casten  hem  in  yrens 
And  but  if  dobest  bede  for  hem  \>^i  to  he  \>ere  for  euere 

lb.,  VIII,  101. 

And  Jjanne  shal  I  come  as  a  kynge  crouned  with  angeles, 
And  han  out  of  helle  alle  mennes  soules. 
Fendes  and  fendekynes  bifor  me  shulle  stande, 
And  be  at  my  biddynge  where  so  eure  me  lyketh. 
And  ^  to  he  merciable  to  man  )>anne  ray  kynde  it  asketh 

lb.,  xviii,  369. 

And  thanne  agreen  that  I  may  ben  he, 
Withoute  braunche  of  vyce  in  any  wyse, 
In  trouthe  alwey  to  doon  yow  ray  servyse 
As  to  my  lady  right  and  chief  resort. 
With  al  my  wit  and  al  my  diligence. 
And  I  to  han,  right  as  yow  list,  comfort. 
Under  your  yerde,  egal  to  myn  offence, 
As  deeth,  if  that  I  breke  your  defence  ; 

*  I  think  man-kind  sal  perist  be  (Cotton,  Gottingen)  ;  I  J>ink  mankinde  sal 
lorne  be  (Trinity). 
'  Other  MSS  read  :  All  men  sail  you  haue  in  moujj. 
^  Subject  /  omitted. 


159 

And  that  ye  deigne  me  so  much  honoure, 

Me  to  coraaunden  ought  in  any  houre. 

And  I  to  been  your  verray  humble  trewe  TroHus,  in,  131. 

Let  hym  fynde  a  sarsyn 

And  y  to  fynde  a  knyght  of  myn. 

The  batell  vJ>on  them  schall  goo  Guy  of  Warwicky  3531. 

Out  of  the  erth  herbys  shal  spryng 

Trees  toflorish  and  hniefurth.  bryng  Townley,  2,  43. 

and  than  thou  mayest  goo  and  retourne  surely 
in  the  palays  at  thy  pleasure,  and  no  man  to 
let  the  for  yf  thou  haddest  slayne  v.  C.  men 
there  shalbe  none  so  hardy  to  touche  the  Berners :  Huon,  107,  3. 

assay  if  ye  canne  get  graunt  of  therle  of  Derby 
to  let  vs  depart,  our  lyues  and  goodes  saued, 
and  we  to  delyuer  to  hym  this  castell  {^=^nous 
U  renderons  le  forterece)  ^  Berners  ;  Chronicle,  133. 

Who  so  euer  causeth  a  synner  to  leue  his 
synful  lyf  shal  both  saue  his  owne  soule 
from  dampnacion  &  his  synne  to  be  done  away     Fisher,  123,  28. 

When  theyr  soules  ben  departed  from  the 
bodyes,  they  shall  neyther  be  cast  in  to  hell 
neyther  into  the  paynes  of  purgatory,  but 
without  ony  lette  to  be  in  the  gloryous  place 
of  heuen  Fisher,  11,  5. 

When  the  future  verb  is  found  in  a  dependent  clause 
(indirect  discourse)  and  shall  is  therefore  changed  to  should, 
the  infinitive  continues  to  be  employed  in  the  same  manner. 

As  oure  lord  biforne  him  higt 

Of  him  to  springe  alle  l>inge  to  rigt  ^  Curs.  Mundi^  8527. 

For  euery  cristene  creature  shulde  be  kynde  til  other, 

And  sithen  hethen  to  helpe  Piers  PL,  x,  364. 

alle    thinges    bityden    the    whiche    that    the 

purviaunce  of  god  hath  seyn  biforn  to  comen     Ch.  Boeth.,  194bl2. 

right  as  we  trowen  that  the  thinges  which  that 
the  purviance  wot  biforn  to  comen  ne  ben 
nat  to  bityden  Ih.,  198,  90. 

1  Krickau,  25. 

'  Other  MSS  read  :  of  him  suld  spring  that  all  suld  right. 


160 

"For  certaynly,  this  wot  I  wel,"  he  seyde, 
"That  for-sight  of  divyne  purveyaunce 
Hath  seyn  alwey  me  tofor-gon  Criseyde"  Troilns,  iv,  960. 

&  also  yf  a  man  had  bene  of  grete  age  he 
shulde  retourne  agayne  to  the  age  of  .xxx. 
yere  and  a  woman  to  become  as  freshe  &  lusty 
as  a  mayde  of  .xv.  yere  Huon,  116,  30. 

sayd  to  these  lordes  of  France,  how  they  were 
well  content  to  be  vnder  the  frenche  kynge, 
so  that  they  myght  caste  downe  their  castell 
to  the  erthe  .  .  .  and  on  that  condicyon  the 
towne  of  Kochell  .  .  .  shulde  be  for  euer  vnder 
the  resort  and  demayne  of  y^  frenche  kyng, 
and  neuer  to  be  put  away  by  maryage  .  .  . 
also  they  of  the  towne  to  haue  a  mynt  to  forge 
money  Berners  :  Chron.,  454. 

The  people  herynge  the  wordes  of  the  prophete 
lonas  and  ferynge  the  vengeaunce  of  god  to  fall 
vpon  them  Fisher,  107,  16. 

He  promysed  also  at  his  ascencyon  the  holy  ghost 

to  come  J6.,  108,  25. 

God  almyghty  promysed  by  his  prophete 
Ezechiel  that  euery  true  penytent  wyllynge 
to  forsake  his  synfull  lyfe  shoulde  haue 
forgyuenes,  &  neuer  after  his  wyckednes  to  be 
layd  to  his  charge  -f^'j  221,  16. 

For  as  for  leysore  shall  not  I  trust  one  time  or 
other  lacke  to  suffyse,  for  so  muche  &  for 
muche  more  to  More,  356  C. 

A  variation  of  this  use  is  that  occasionally  found  in  future 
conditions  less  vivid. 

sayd  he  wolde  neuer  depart  thens,  tyll  he  had 
wonne  it,  orels  the  kyng  of  Scottis  to  come,  and 
to  reyse  his  siege  parforce  Berners  :  Chronicle^  38. 

yf  ye  had  weddyd  a  lady,  &  loue  her  derely 
...  &  then  a  traytoure  pryuely  to  purchase 
your  dethe  for  loue  of  your  wyfe  Huon,  287,  15. 

I  coniure  the  by  y®  grete  vertu  deuyne,  &  by 
your  parte  of  paradyce,  &  that  your  soule  to 
be  dampned  yf  case  be  that  ye  say  not  the 
trouth  Ib.y  287,  8. 


161 

but  I  could  then  have  looked  on  him  without 
the  help  of  admiration,  though  the  catalogue 
of  his  endowments  had  been  tabled  by  his 
side,  and  7  to  peruse  him  by  items  Cymheliney  I,  iv,  4. 

With  this  group  the  following  passages  in  which  the  infini- 
tive has  a  distinctly  optative  force,  are  to  be  compared : 

Ne  in  him  desyr  noon  othere  fownes  bredde 

But  arguments  to  this  conclusioun, 

That  she  on  him  wolde  han  compassioun, 

And  he  to  be  hir  man,  whyl  he  may  dure  Troilus,  i,  465. 

They  would  gladly  se  theyr  wyues  and 

chyldren,  and  some  to  se  theyr  louers  Huon,  303,  26. 

Heaven  would  that  she  these  gifts  should  have, 

And  /  to  live  and  die  her  slave  As  You  Like  It,  III,  ii,  161. 

For  would  that  I  myself  had  such  a  son. 
And  not  that  one  slight  helpless  girl  I  have, — 
A  son  so  famed,  so  brave,  to  send  to  war, 
And  I  to  tarry  with  the  snow-haired  Zal, 
My  father,  whom  the  robber  Afghans  vex 

Arnold  :  Sohrah  and  Rustum.  ^ 

Oh,  that  I  were  a  beast  on  the  wild  hills. 

And  I  had  borne  thee  to  my  twilight  lair 

Alive,  and  there  had  bitten  thee  to  death, 

And  dabbled  all  thy  beauty  in  the  dew — 

And  he  to  look  upon  it  Mackaye  :  Sappho  and  Phaon,  p.  81. 

The  so-called  resumptive  to  construction,  in  which  an  in- 
finitive is  used  parallel  to  a  verb  with  a  modal  auxiliary,  when 
the  subject  is  unchanged,  is  exactly  our  construction  of  the 
infinitive  with  the  force  of  a  future  indicative,  except  that 
the  subject  is  not  repeated  before  the  infinitive.  The  in- 
stances of  an  infinitive  alternating  with  other  than  a  future 
auxiliary  are  of  comparatively  later  date  and  scarcely  found 
outside  of  Malory. 

^  Eversley  Edition,  p.  106. 
11 


162 


If  he  be  rightwis  king,  >ai  sail 
Maintene  him  both  night  and  day, 

Or  els  to  lat  his  frendschip  fall 
On  faire  manere,  and  fare  oway  Minot's  Poems,  25,  113.^ 

Hit  tokened  Adam  &  his  sede 

Ouer  al  \>e  world  shulde  be  sprad 

And  ))ereof  to  he  lord  mad  Curs.  Mundi,  598. 


He  shalbe  a  lord  of  great  renoume. 

And  after  me  to  were  the  crowne  Squyr  of  Low  Degre,  1059.^ 

&  who-so  wol  nat,  Ke  xal  be  had  in  hold  ; 

&  so  to  be  cast  in  carys  cold  D^gby,  60,  150. 

how  myght  this  be,  that  the  day  I  shall  on  dye, 
I  sholde  breke  my  nekke,  and  be  hanged,  and 
also  to  he  drovmed  Merlin,  52. 

Yef  ye  wole  yeve  vs  leve,  we  will  assaye  it,  and 
for  to  preve  the  grete  lesynge  lb. ,  62. 

Of  yow  and  yowers  I  wyll  have  remenberavns 

&  dayly  yower  bede  woman /or  to  be  L)igby,  129,  1966. 

Thys  wryght  would  wedde  no  wyfe. 

Butt  yn  yougeth  to  lede  hys  lyfe  Wright^  s  Chaste  Wife,  19.^ 

That  no  man  schuld  beseke  her  of  grace, 

Nor  her  to  hegyle  lb.,  101. ^ 

I  shalle  be  your  woman  and  to  doo  ony  thynge 

that  myghte  please  yow  Malory,  150,  2. 

And  anone  the  kynge  commaunded  that  none 
of  them  vpon  payne  of  dethe  to  myssaye  them 
ne  doo  them  ony  harrae  lb.,  160,  32. 

we  wyl  be  felawes  to  gyders  and  neuer  tofayle      Malory,  194,  21. 

god  wold  that  ye  shold  put  him  from  me 

outher  to  slee  hym  76.,  221,  28. 

I  wyl  foryeue  the  the  dethe  of  my  broder  and 

for  euer  to  become  thy  man  lb.,  224,  18. 

ye  shal  haue  homage  &  feaute  of  me  &  an  C 
knyghtes  to  be  alweyes  at  your  commaundement    lb.,  231,  7. 

^  Ed.  Ua\l. 

'  Hazlitt :  Early  Popular  Poetry. 

3  Quoted  by  Baldwin,  §  239  note. 


163 


I  loue  her  and  wille  rescowe  her  or  els  to  dye     lb.,  237,  22. 

I  will  doo  to  yow  homage  and  feaute  with  an 
C  knygtes  with  me  and  alle  the  dayes  of  my 
lyf  to  doo  you  seruyse   where   ye   wille 
commaunde  me 

lb.,  266,  29  ;  277, 11  ;  282,  34 ;  286,  21;  242,  20  ; 
244, 14  ;  690,  5  ;  191,  8  ;  716,  29. 

I  would  no  more 
Endure  this  wooden  slavery  than  to  suffer 
The  flesh-fly  blow  my  mouth  Temp.,  Ill,  i,  62. 

Who  would  be  so  mock'd  with  glory,  or  to  live 

But  in  a  dream  of  friendship  Timon,  IV,  ii,  33. 

She  tells  me  she'  11  wed  the  stranger  knight, 

Or  never  more  to  view  nor  day  nor  night  Pericles,  II,  v,  17. 

Some  pagan  shore. 
Where  these  two  Christian  armies  might  combine 
The  blood  of  malice  in  a  vein  of  league, 
And  not  to  spend  it  so  unneighborly  John,  V,  ii,  39.^ 


Absolute   Consteuction 

A  secondary  idea  is  sometimes  joined  to  the  main  clause 
by  the  insertion  of  a  parenthetical  nominative  with  infinitive. 
Such  an  expression  is  by  its  form  subordinate  and  requires 
no  connective  to  elucidate  its  relation  to  the  main  clause. 
But  because  the  secondary  clause  cannot  be  construed  as  in 
any  way  dependent  upon  the  main  verb,  the  writer  often 
introduces  the  conjunction  and,  and  thus  gives  a  coordinate 
value  to  the  infinitive  and  the  finite  verb. 

Also  y  will  >at  lohn  Edmund  haue  al  J>e  led 
.  .  .,  he  to paie  ber-for  as  it  ys  worthy  E.  E.  W.,  2,  11. 

And  all  the  remenauntys  of  my  godys,  y  wyll 
they  be  preysyd  &  parttyd  in  thre  :  on  part 
for  to  be  don  for  my  soule,  &  that  other  part 
to  my  wyfe  lb.,  13,  19. 

» Quoted  by  Abbott,  §  350. 


164 


Also  J  be-queyth  to  ysabell  ray  dowter,  an .  C. 
pounde  to  hir  mariage,  of  whiche  somme 
ys  owynge  to  me,  to  be  payd,  an  .C.  Mark 
. .  .  and  >«  remnaund  to  bepayid  of  my  godes 
)>at  leuyth  lb.,  19,  11. 

Also  I  bequethe  to  my  wyfe  alle  J>e  goodis  ]>at 
be  meuablis,  and  she  to  be  my  prinsepall 
seccutur  lb.,  80,  4. 

Also  I  be-quethe  to  be  distribued  a-mong 
prisoners  .  .  .  the  prisoners  to  prate  for  my 
soule,  XX. s'  lb.,  78,  3. 

Item  I  beqwethe  all  maner  of  godis  to  my 
wyf  Alson  Newent,  and  sheforto  do  me 
like  as  she  wolde  I  dede  for  her  in  |>e 
same  cas  lb.,  83,  13. 

y  will  the  best  prest  that  may  be  founde,  sey 
for  me  the  saide  trentall,  with  the  hole 
diriges,  and  all  the  seruice  thurghout  the 
yere,  and  the  prest  to  have  lb.,  88,  10. 

And  I  make  myn  executours,  Marie  my  wyif, 
and  my  sone  Kichard,  Marie  to  be  evermore 
myn  executrice  principall,  And  no  ihyng  to 
be  dymened  agens  here  wille  lb. ,  93,  17. 

All-so  I  woll  that  lane  Newmarch  haue  CC 
mark  in  gold,  And  I  to  bere  all  Costes  as 
for  her  bryngynge  yn-to  seynt  Katrens,  or 
where-euer  she  woll  be  elles  lb.,  118,  14. 

82,  14 ;  95,  16 ;  123,  18 ;  132,  18. 

Item,  I  will  and  ordeyne  .  .  .  that  the  pore 
pepyl  .  .  .  have  .  .  .  quantitie  of  the  x. 
part  of  oon  yeerly  valewe  and  reueneuse 
of  the  seyd  lordshepis  .  .  .  halfe  to  be 
departyd  to  .  .  .  parishe  cherchis  for 
werkys .  .  .  and  half  to  be  departyd  amonges 
the  seyd  pore  pepil  Will  of  Sir  J.  Fastolf. 

I  geue  and  qwethe  to  Willm  Hussher  iijs 
iiijc?,  and  he  to  have  his  identour  of  his 
prentished  Bury  Wills,  16. 

first  I  will  be  .iij.  preests  yerely  at  the  said 
obite,  whereof  oon  to  be  assigned  to  syng 
masse  of  Kequiem,  another  masse  of  the  v. 


165 

Wounds  .  .  .  and  at  the  tyme  of  the 
lavatory  everych  of  them  to  say  *'De  Pro- 
f undis ' '  Fabyan'  s  Will,  ix. 

Than  bothe  the  brethern  be-sought  hym  full 
lowly  to  a-bide  with  hem,  and  thei  to  be 
gouemed  by  hym  as  he  wolde  Merlin^  48. 

this  is  my  counceill  .  .  .  that  we  lete  puruey 
X  knygtes  ...  &  they  to  Jcepe  this  swerd  Malory,  40,  35. 

And  thenne  hadde  she  me  deuysed  to  be  kyng 
in  this  land  and  soo  to  regne  and  she  to  be  my 
quene  lb.,  133,  7. 

therfore  they  agreed  on  a  truce,  to  endure  to 
the  fyrst  day  of  May  next  after,  in  all  the 
marches  of  Calais  .  .  .  and  other  landes  to  be 
styll  in  warre  Berners  :  Chronicle,  478. 

tidynges  came,  how  trewse  was  taken  bytwene 
the  sayde  two  kynges,  to  endure  to  the  feest 
of  Saint  John  Baptyst ;  and  in  the  mean 
tyme,  the  pope  to  do  what  he  myght  to  make 
a  further  peace  lb. ,  185. 

Man  that  was  create  in  great  honoure,  &  among 
all  creatures  lyuynge  none  but  he  had  theyr 
face  set  streyght  to  loke  vp  in  to  heuen,  en- 
dued also  with  reason  and  free  wyll,  fourmed 
and  made  lyke  vnto  the  ymage  of  almyghty 
god,  ordeyned  by  his  maker  to  be  aboue  all 
other  creatures  of  the  worlde,  and  they  also  to 
be  at  his  commaundement  Fisher,  39,  1. 

If  they  wold  use  but  a  fewe  nombre  of  houndes, 
only  to  harborowe,  or  rouse,  the  game,  and 
by  their  yorning  to  gyue  knowlege  whiche 
way  it  fleeth ;  the  remenant  of  the  disporte  to 
be  in  pursuyng  with  iauelyns  and  other 
waipons,  in  maner  of  warre  Elyot,  193. 

wamyng  her  (as  for  all )  hensfurth  to  desist  for 
feare  of  the  reward  of  shame,  and  he  to  rest 
contented  with  the  wrong  he  had  alredy  done 

Fenton's  Bandello,  n,  82.* 

be  then  desired 
By  her  that  else  will  take  the  thing  she  begs 

^Ed.  Douglas. 


166 


A  little  to  disquantity  your  train, 

And  the  remainder  that  shall  still  depend, 

To  be  such  men  as  may  besort  your  age, 

Which  know  themselves  and  you  Lear,  I,  It,  268. 

But  she  used  him  for  her  sport,  like  what 
she  was,  to  trifle  a  leisure  sentence  or 
two  with,  and  then  to  be  dismissed,  and 
she  to  be  the  Great  Lady  still  Elia  :  On  Some  Old  Actors. 


Historical  Infinitive 

The  infinitive  is  sometimes  found  parallel  to   a  simple 
narrative  tense. 

Stormes  roos  on  euery  syde , 

Sonne  &  moone  J>e  ligt  gan  hide. 

Hit  merked  ouer  al  >is  world  wide. 

pe  reyn  fel  doun  so  wondir  fast, 

pe  Welles  wax,  ]?e  bankes  brest, 

pe  see  to  ryse,  \>e  erthe  to  cleft, 

pe  springes  all  oute  to  drep  Curs.  Mundi,  1762. 

pe  frount  frounse)?  l>at  was  shene, 

pe  nese  droppej?  ofte  bitwene, 

Tee\>  to  rote,  bree\>  to  stynke  lb.,  3571. 

Esau  went  hoom  his  wey 

vnto  syer  >ere  he  coom  fro, 

and  iacob  to  his  fadir  to  go^  lb.,  4020. 

In  )>at  lond  was  a  werre  strong 

And  hit  lasted  somdel  long. 

Foure  kynges  werred  vpon  fyue 

\>efyue  ageyn  J)e  foure  to  stryue  ^  lb.,  2491. 

parauenture  he  loueth  in  somme  other  places 
ladyes  and  gentylwymmen,  and  to  be  loued 
agayne,  and  he  be  suche  a  man  of  prowesse     Malory,  141,  1. 

*  pe  springes  cum  over-all  utedriue       Cotton. 

pe  springes  gan  over-all  utedriue       Gottingen. 
*can  ga  (Cotton  &  Fairfax);  gan  ga  (Gottingen). 
^  to- stryue  (Cotton). 


167 


Conclusion 

The  results  of  this  entire  investigation  may  briefly  be 
summarized  as  follows: 

1.  Old  English,  in  common  with  other  Indo-Germanic 
languages,  possessed  the  construction  of  an  accusative  with 
a  predicate  as  the  object  of  a  principal  verb.  This  predi- 
cate could  be  a  substantive,  an  adjective,  a  participle,  or  an 
infinitive.  The  usage  was  limited  only  by  the  capacity  of 
the  governing  verb  for  taking  an  object  in  the  accusative 
case.  Subject  to  this  limitation,  the  construction  was  be- 
coming more  common  in  early  Middle  English,  without  the 
aid  of  Latin  influence,  but  its  rapid  extension  in  the  fifteenth 
and  sixteenth  centuries  may  to  some  extent  have  been  stimu- 
lated by  the  Latinizing  of  the  English  vocabulary  which  was 
going  on  during  that  period.  In  its  fullest  development  in 
the  middle  of  the  sixteenth  century,  the  construction  is  dis- 
tinguished by  the  same  essential  characteristics  which  marked 
it  in  the  earliest  English.  It  at  no  time  developed  with  the 
freedom  of  the  classical  construction. 

2.  The  use  of  a  substantive  with  infinitive  as  the  subject 
of  a  neuter  or  impersonal  verb,  which  has  often  been  iden- 
tified with  a  similar  classical  construction,  is  really  of  native 
origin.  The  instances  in  which  the  substantive  is  in  the 
nominative  case  far  outnumber  the  others,  but  it  is  possi- 
ble to  account  for  the  examples  in  which  the  substantive  as- 
sumes another  case  by  proving  a  variety  of  sources  for  the 
construction.  This  construction  is  not  found  at  all  in  Old 
English,  is  in  general  use  between  the  thirteenth  and  six- 
teenth centuries  inclusive,  and  survives  in  Modern  English 
in  a  disguised  form  in  the  so-called  "  inorganic  for "  con- 
struction, in  which  the  substantive  is  preceded  by  the  prepo- 
sition for  and  in  which  the  case  is  therefore  necessarily 
objective. 


168 

3.  The  infinitive,  accompanied  by  a  substantive,  has 
been  found  in  Middle  English  employed  to  express  purpose 
and  result,  to  denote  various  shades  of  command  in  sen- 
tences in  which  a  verb  of  commanding  is  expressed  or 
implied,  and  finally,  to  express  command  by  itself  without 
the  presence  of  any  verb  of  commanding.  These  uses  have 
been  classified  under  a  common  heading  as  the  conjunctive- 
imperative  use  of  the  infinitive,  because  of  their  analogy  to 
a  similar  use  of  the  infinitive  in  Greek. 

4.  The  infinitive  occurs  in  Middle  English  as  equivalent 
to  a  future  indicative.  When  it  is  reduced  to  a  dependent 
position  in  a  subordinate  clause,  this  infinitive  naturally 
tends  to  become  potential  in  its  force,  and  it  is  therefore  not 
surprising  that  it  should  also  be  found  to  have  an  optative 
force  in  certain  independent  statements. 

5.  The  use  of  a  nominative  and  infinitive  in  place  of  a 
clause,  to  express  an  idea  parenthetically  or  loosely  joined 
to  the  principal  idea  of  the  sentence,  is  frequent  in  Middle 
English.  This  is  the  Absolute  Infinitive,  which  is  also  quite 
common  in  Modern  English. 

6.  The  infinitive  sometimes  occurs  in  Middle  English  as 
equivalent  to  a  simple  narrative  tense,  and  in  this  respect 
it  resembles  the  Latin  historical  infinitive. 


BIBLIOGEAPHY 

I.     Texts  Examined 

Following  is  a  list  of  the  texts  from  whicli  the  material 
for  this  dissertation  has  been  chiefly  collected.  Quotations 
gleaned  from  occasional  reading  or  from  secondary  sources 
are  indicated  in  footnotes.  Books  marked  with  a  star  ('^) 
have  been  read  only  in  part. 

Old  English. 

Bibliothek    der    Angelsaehsischen    Poesie.     Begriindet    von    C.    W.    M. 

Grein,  neu  .  .  .  bearbeitet  von  R.  P.  Wulcker.     Kassel  and  Leipzig, 

1883-1898. 

(Quoted  by  title  of  poem  and  line.     Psalms  quoted  by  verse.) 
Two  of  the  Saxon  Chronicles  Parallel  .  .  .  Edited  by  Charles  Plummer 

on  the  basis  of  an  edition  by  John  Earle.     Oxford,  1892. 

(Quotations  from  the  Laud  MS.  by  page.) 
Angel sjich si sche  Homilien  und  Heiligenleben.     Herausgegeben  von  Bruno 

Assmann  in  Bihl.  der  Ags.  Prosa,  Vol.  III.     Kassel,  1889. 

(Quoted  under  ^Ifric  by  page  and  line.) 
King  Alfred's  Old  English  Version  of  Boethius'  De  Consolatione  Phi- 

losophiw,  edited  by  W.  J.  Sedgefield.     Oxford,  1899.   (p.  &  1.) 
Bischofs   Waerferth   von   Worcester    Uebersetzung   der   Dialoge   Gregors 

des    Grossen  .  .  .  Aus    dem    Nachlasse    von    Julius    Zupitza    nach 

einem   Copie  von  Henry  Johnson  herausgegeben  von  Hans  Hecht. 

Leipzig,  1900.     {Bibliothek  der  Ags.  Prosa,  Vol.  V;  p.  &  1.) 

Middle  English. 

Old  English  Homilies  and  Homiletic  Treatises  ...  of  the  Twelfth  and 

Thirteenth    Centuries.     Edited    by    Richard    Morris.     First    Series. 

London  (E.  E.  T.  S.),  1868.      (Horn.  I,  p.) 
Old  English  Homilies   of   the  Twelfth   Century.     Edited  by   the   Rev. 

R.  Morris.     Second  Series.     London    (E.  E.  T.  S.),  1873.     (Hom. 

n,  p.) 
An   Old  English  Miscellany   containing  a   Bestiary,   Kentish   Sermons, 

Proverbs  of  Alfred,  Religious  Poems  of  the  Thirteenth  Century  .  .  . 

Edited  by  the  Rev.  Richard  Morris.     London    (E.  E.  T.  S.),  1872. 

(O.  E.  Misc.  p.  «&  1.) 

169 


170 

The  Story  of  Genesis  and  Exodus,  an  Early  English  Song,  about  A.  D. 
1250.  Edited  by  the  Rev.  Richard  Morris.  Second  and  Revised 
Edition,    1873.     London    (E.  E.   T.   S.),   1865.     (1.) 

*Robert  of  Gloucester's  Chronicle.  Transcrib'd  and  .  .  .  publish'd  .  .  . 
by  Thomas  Hearne.     Oxford,  1724.      (p.) 

Cursor  Mundi  (The  Cursur  o  the  World).  A  Northumbrian  poem  of 
the  XlVth  Century  .  .  .  Edited  by  the  Rev.  Richard  Morris.  Lon- 
don (E.  E.  T.  S.),  Pt.  1,  1874;  pt.  2,  1875-1876.     (Trinity  M8.  1.) 

The  Pricke  of  Conscience  (Stimulus  Conscientiae ) .  A  Northumbrian 
poem  by  Richard  Rolle  de  Hampole.  Copied  and  edited  ...  by 
Richard  Morris.  Published  for  the  Philological  Society  .  .  .  1863. 
(Pr.   Con.,   1.) 

*Richard  Rolle  of  Hampole.  An  English  Father  of  the  Church  and 
his  Followers.  Edited  by  C.  Horstman.  London  and  New  York, 
1895.     (Hampole,  p.) 

*The  English  Works  of  Wyelif  Hitherto  Unprinted.  Edited  by  F.  D. 
Matthew.     London    (E.   E.   T.    S.),    1880.      (p.) 

The  Vision  of  William  concerning  Piers  the  Plowman  ...  by  William 
Langland  (1377).  Edited  by  the  Rev.  Walter  W.  Skeat.  London 
(E.  E.  T.  S.),1869.     Text  B.     (Piers  PI.,  passus  and  line.) 

The  Student's  Chaucer.  Being  a  Complete  Edition  of  his  Works 
edited  ...  by  the  Rev.  Walter  W.  Skeat.  Oxford  University 
Press,  1894.  (Separate  works  quoted  by  line;  Boethius,  by  page 
and  line  and,  where  necessary,  by  column;  Canterbury  Tales 
(C.  T.),  in  accordance  with  Skeat's  division). 

*The  Complete  Works  of  John  Gower.  Edited  by  G.  C.  Macaulay. 
The   English  Works.     Oxford,   1901.     (Book   and  line.) 

*The  regement  of  Princes  .  .  .  Edited  by  Frederick  J.  Furnivall.  Lon- 
don (E.  E.  T.  S.),  1897. 

The  Fifty  Earliest  English  Wills  in  the  Court  of  Probate,  London. 
A.  D.  1387-1439;  with  a  priest's  of  1454.  Copied  and  Edited  by 
Frederick  J.  Furnivall.  London  (E.  E.  T.  S.),  1882.  (E.  E.  W., 
p.    and    1. ) 

•Fifteenth  Century  Prose  and  Verse  with  an  introduction  by  Alfred 
W.   Pollard.     Westminster,    1903.      (Pollard,   p.) 

♦Paston  Letters  1422-1509  A.  D.  A  Reprint  of  the  Edition  of  1872-5. 
.  .  .  Edited  by  James  Gairdner  of  the  Public  Record  Office.  West- 
minster, 1900.      (p.) 

♦The  Repressor  of  Over  Much  Blaming  of  the  Clergy.  By  Reginald 
Pecock.     Edited  by  Churchill  Babington.    London,  1860.     (p.) 

*Merlin  or  the  Early  History  of  King  Arthur:  A  Prose  Romance 
(about  1450-1460  A.  D.).  Edited  by  .  .  .  Henry  B.  Wheatly. 
London   (E.  E.  T.  S.),  1899.     (p.) 

*Le  Morte  DArthur  by  Syr  Thomas  Malory.  The  original  Edition  of 
William  Caxton  now  reprinted  and  edited  by  H.  Oskar  Sommer. 
London,  1889.     (p.  and  I.) 


171 

The  Townley  Plays  Re-edited  from  the  unique  MS.  by  George  England 

.  .  .  London   (E.  E.  T.  S.) ,  1897.     (p.  and  1.) 
The  Digby  Plays  .  .  .  With  an  incomplete  Morality  of  Wisdom,  Who 

is  Christ    (Part  One  of  the  Macro  Moralities).     Edited  by  F.  J. 

Furnivall.     London   (E.  E.  T.  S.),  1896.     (p.  and  L) 
*The  Boke  of  Duke  Huon  of  Burdeux  done  into  English  by  Sir  John 

Bourchier,  Lord  Berners.     Edited  by  S.  L.  Lee.     London   (E.  E.  T. 

S.),  1872-1877.     (p.  and  1.) 
The    English    Works    of    John    Fisher    Bishop    of    Rochester  .  .  .  Now 

first  collected  by  John  E.  B.  Mayor.     Part  I.     London  (E.  E.  T.  S.), 

1876.      (p.   and  1.) 
*The  Workes  of  Sir  Thomas  More  Knyght,  sometyme  Lord  Chancellour 

of   England,   wrytten   by   him   in   the   Englysh   tonge.     In   London 

at  the  costes  and  charges  of  lohn  Cawode,  lohn  Waly,  and  Richarde 

Tottell.     Anno    1557.      (page   and  section.) 
The  Utopia  of  Sir  Thomas  More  in  Latin  from  the  edition  of  March 

1518,  and  in  English  from  the  first  edition  of  Ralph  Robynson's 

translation  of  1551,  with  additional  translations,  introduction  and 

notes  by  J.  H.  Lupton.     Oxford,  1895.     (p.) 
The    Boke    named    The    Governour.     Deuised    by    Sir    Thomas    Elyot, 

Knight.     Edited  from  the  first  edition  of  1531  by  Henry  Herbert 

Stephen  Croft.     Vol.  I.     London,   1883.      (p.) 
The  Bankette  of  Sapience,  compyled  by  Syr  Thomas  Elyot  knyght,  and 

newly  augmented  with  dyuerse  titles  and  sentences.     M.  D.  XLII. 

1534. 
Leyland's  New  Year's  Gift.     Bibliographiana  No.  1.     Edited  by  W.  A. 

Copinger  .  .  .  Privately  Printed  at  the  Priory  Press,  Manchester, 

1895.      (p.) 

Modern  English. 

Shakespeare's  Plays:    (Globe  Edition). 

Henry  IV  (2  parts)  ;  Two  Gentlemen  of  Verona;  A  Winter's  Tale; 

Tempest;   Merry  Wives  of  Windsor;   Measure  for  Measure;    King 

Lear;  Much  Ado  About  Nothing;  Cymbeline;  other  plays,  passim. 
*Sir  Thomas  Browne's  Works  .  .  .  Edited  by  Simon  Wilkin.     Vol.  Ill, 

London,    1835. 
The  Spectator,  Numbers  1  to  80.      (Quoted  by  number). 
*The  Works  of  the  Right  Honourable  Edmund  Burke.     First  American 

from  the  last  London  Edition.     Vol.  I,  Boston,  1806-1807. 
*The  Works  of  Walter  Bagehot.     Published  in  full  by  The  Travelers 

Insurance  Company  of  Hartford,   Connecticut.     Edited  by  Forrest 

Morgan.     Vol.  I.     Hartford,  1891. 
God    and    The    Bible.     A    Review    of    Objections    to    "Literature    and 

Dogma."     By    Matthew    Arnold.     New    York,    1833. 


172 


11.     Books  Quoted  oe  Consulted 

General  Theory. 

Egger,     Emile :     Notions    ^lementaires    de    grammaire    comparee,     pour 

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VITA 

The  author  of  this  dissertation  was  born  in  Russia  in 
1883.  He  came  to  the  United  States  with  his  parents  in 
1892  and  entered  the  public  schools  of  E'ew  York,  gradua- 
ting in  1898.  He  held  a  Pulitzer  scholarship  from  1898 
to  1906.  He  received  his  secondary  schooling  in  the  Horace 
Mann  and  DeWitt  Clinton  High  Schools  of  i^ew  York, 
graduating  from  the  latter  in  1901.  He  entered  Columbia 
College  in  1901  and  took  courses  in  literature  under  Pro- 
fessors T.  R.  Price,  Brander  Matthews,  G.  E.  Woodberry, 
G.  P.  Krapp,  and  Calvin  Thomas,  receiving  the  degree  of 
A.  B.  in  1904.  He  was  enrolled  in  the  graduate  school  of 
Columbia  University,  in  the  Department  of  English,  from 
1904  to  1907,  and  during  that  time  took  courses  in  Com- 
parative Literature  under  Professor  J.  E.  Spingarn,  in 
English  Literature  under  Professors  Brander  Matthews,  G. 
R.  Carpenter,  W.  P.  Trent,  W.  A.  Neilson  (now  of  Harvard 
University),  F.  T.  Baker,  G.  P.  Krapp,  W.  W.  Lawrence, 
and  Dr.  C.  M.  Hathaway  (now  of  Annapolis).  He  also 
had  courses  in  philology  under  Professors  A.  Y.  W.  Jackson, 
H.  A.  Todd,  A.  F.  J.  Remy,  and  R.  Tombo,  Jr.  He  re- 
ceived the  degree  of  A.  M.  in  1905.  In  1907  he  was  ap- 
pointed Instructor  in  English  at  the  University  of  Illinois. 


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